Frozen at Fifteen

Teresa O'Leary never recovered from the murder of her family -- until the day she decided to die.









By David Abel
The Boston Globe Magazine
7/18/2004

The pain had mostly worn off when the phone rang.


More than a week had passed since the canister of popcorn burst all over her family's kitchen, prompting her father to beat her with a broomstick and state officials to take her to the sanctuary of the old Boston City Hospital, a few miles from her home in Dorchester's Fields Corner.

At 15, the big girl with the mousy brown hair regaled children at the hospital with harrowing stories. She told them how her father, a Purple Heart-winning Korean War veteran, would carry around an old .38-caliber revolver, sometimes brandishing it in front of her eighth-grade teachers. She described how he used chains to lock her and her younger brothers and sisters inside the basement, threatening to kill them if they didn't behave.

When she answered the phone at the hospital on that summer day 30 years ago, the voice on the other end sounded stern but at the same time strangely groggy. "I want you to have your mother's clothes and jewelry," her father told her. "I want Arthur [his brother] to have all my tools."

Then the line went dead.

Around noon the next day, June 10, 1973, as a heat wave roasted Boston, Teresa Margaret O'Leary pushed through the unlocked front door of her small two-story home and found her entire family dead. Bullet holes in their heads, her mother and five siblings lay in pools of blood, victims of her father, who was slumped over a bureau next to his bed, the phone still in his hand, dead from a cocktail of sleeping pills, rum, whiskey, and brandy.

This is the story of a child's worst nightmare coming true, about a girl who lost everything, was abandoned by her relatives, robbed of her sanity, and sentenced to a life in mental hospitals. It's a rare glimpse inside the halls of the mental health system and of one notoriously challenging patient, who resisted treatment, escaped confinement, and often required restraint in straitjackets. But it's also the story of a survivor who, after decades behind locked doors, found freedom, about the light that penetrated the darkness of one of the city's most gruesome murder-suicides.

Last summer, after years of penury, solitude, and transferring from one institution to another, where doctors treated her for a host of disorders that seemed to lock her in her adolescence, Teresa made a fateful choice, perhaps the first independent decision of her life. And it brought her a peace she had never imagined.

IN THE CLOSE-KNIT neighborhood of Fields Corner, the large Irish family struggled, and their neighbors knew it.

The children, mostly well behaved, played marbles on the sidewalk, rode their bikes, and hung around Lucky Strike Lanes, the bowling alley a few blocks away from the home their parents rented on Clayton Street. A good day for Teresa, at 15 the oldest, and the others - George Jr., 13, Colleen, 11, Kathleen, 10, and the twins, Michael and Melinda, 8 -- was when they could scrape up enough change for pizza.

George O'Leary had been stationed at Fort Belvoir, Virginia, when he met Thelma Turner near her home in nearby Woodbridge. George had grown up in Fields Corner with a father who beat him and neighborhood kids who taunted him. He dropped out of school in the ninth grade and enlisted in the Army in 1948, but after a month in training, the 6- foot-3-inch, 200-pound recruit washed out. He eventually reenlisted and served in the infantry in Korea, suffering a wound that sliced through his back and stomach. His battlefield actions won him several medals, including the Purple Heart and the Combat Infantryman Badge.

After returning home, he twice failed the exam to become a Boston police officer and settled for work as a security guard. To relieve his stress and the pain of ulcers from his war wounds, he often sat in a kiddie pool in the family's backyard and played with his revolver. Other times, he would hold the gun to his head and pretend to pull the trigger.

THE FIRST SIGN of Teresa's troubles came in 1971, when officials at her school saw the 13-year-old's bruises. At first, George refused to seek help. When a social worker offered to come over, George threatened to blow his head off if he approached their house. Two years later, psychologists diagnosed him with "personality disintegration."

His wife, Thelma, ultimately prevailed on him to give therapy a try, but he lost interest quickly and stopped going. Thelma and Teresa continued, however, regularly meeting with Jean Flynn, a social worker. She would hear stories about how George beat Teresa with straps, chains, and brooms, and about how Teresa rebelled, often tearing up the house, refusing food, or defecating in her parents' room. Thelma started drinking and once threw a vase at George, who responded by beating her. The cycle of violence kept repeating itself, and Flynn observed: "Teresa desperately wants her father's attention to her, to love her, even if in the negative way of beatings."

In March 1973, six months after school officials asked the state to act, social workers removed Teresa from the home, sending her to Boston City Hospital for her own protection. Three months later, with George out of control, Thelma threatened to leave, too, sending her 43-year-old husband into a tirade.

For three hours on Friday, June 8, with Teresa at the hospital, George held the rest of his family at gunpoint, blaming his wife for not disciplining their six kids, complaining that he lost his last job because he had to watch them. That afternoon, Thelma filed assault and battery charges against George, but the court postponed the case for a month.

Later that day, around midnight, as his 36-year-old wife and the five children slept in their cramped bedrooms, George put a pillow over each of their heads and, one by one, slipped his gun beneath it to muffle the sound. Then he pulled the trigger.

Before killing himself the next night with the lethal brew, around the same time he called Teresa at the hospital, George scribbled a note on legal stationery: "I love my wife. I love my children. I can't live without them. So I'm going to take them with me. . . . I'm sorry I had to do it."

AFTER THE FUNERAL at St. Ambrose Church in Fields Corner, which hundreds of people from all over Boston attended, Teresa's school guidance counselor took her to McLean Hospital in Belmont. She had wanted to stay with relatives, particularly her Uncle Claude Turner, her mother's twin brother, who lived in Lowell. For a time, he and his wife welcomed Teresa for weekend visits. But eventually they stopped calling and said they couldn't visit because of car trouble. Teresa never heard from them again.

The hospital staff wouldn't release Teresa to other relatives, whom they judged to be interested in the money raised for her after the murders or who might abuse her further.

Teresa had nowhere else to go.

Diagnosed with "acute grief reaction," she gained weight and received a steady supply of drugs, struggling to adjust to her sudden solitude. She resumed her schoolwork at McLean, attended group therapy and met with numerous psychologists, played tennis and softball, went tobogganing and ice skating, and ultimately opened up about the murders. "I wish my father was alive," she told one psychologist, "so he could go to the electric chair." But her improvement proved fleeting, and it wasn't long before she was ignoring her curfew, smearing makeup on her face, stealing patients' cigarettes and cash, and even setting fires. The staff introduced her to restraints such as straitjackets and the dreaded quiet room, a bolted, padded cell. Over the next two years, while ballooning from 120 to nearly 300 pounds, Teresa would be described by her psychologists as "paranoid with masochistic" tendencies. Teresa's nurses saw her as uncontrollable and sent her to a state mental hospital, which they knew was her worst fear.

AT 17, TERESA packed her few possessions and left for Boston State Hospital, a century-old mental institution, where she found herself in a large ward with the most hard-core patients.

The hospital's psychiatrists put Teresa on powerful antipsychotic drugs as well as lithium, prescribed to control manic depression, but it didn't stop her from rebelling. She refused to participate in activities and failed to comply with treatment plans. Teresa spent her time smoking cigarettes, teasing other patients, and sometimes feigning suicide by tying a sheet around her neck.

She enrolled in and soon dropped out of the hospital's school, completing the equivalent of the 11th grade. She spent her days enticing male patients into the tunnels below the hospital, to trade sex for cigarettes. Nearly 6 feet tall, heavy, and loud, Teresa could only be restrained by a team of nurses. "Teresa was the worst around the time of her family's death," according to Ruth Beshong, a former nurse who helped care for Teresa. "The only thing she ever wanted was a family and to be in place where she was wanted."

Then Teresa began escaping.

IN 1981, BOSTON State Hospital closed, and Teresa, now 23, had to move. Again. This time to a large brick building a few miles away in Jamaica Plain, at the Lemuel Shattuck Hospital. Soon after, doctors discharged her to a halfway house. A week later, Teresa nearly died overdosing on codeine, and she returned to the Shattuck. "Why can't I die and get it all over with?" she wrote in a note to nurses. "I have nothing to live for. . . . Why can't I be shot in the head, just like my mother?"

But when it seemed she had hit bottom, her mood lifted. She was loving and euphoric. She chatted up nurses about their families and dreamed aloud of a husband and a home with a white picket fence. She would dance the jitterbug in the hallway with nurses and crack wise about them later, sometimes leaving fellow patients and staff laughing hysterically. Less than a year later, her highs lasting longer - she briefly quit smoking and lost weight - she impressed doctors so much that they allowed her to live with another patient's family. Four days after she moved, however, the family kicked her out, and Teresa began living on the streets.

Only a few days had passed when she met two young men outside a bar in South Boston. It was late, and she followed them to a nearby swimming pool, where others met them and, according to what Teresa would later tell doctors, threatened to kill her. They beat her with bricks and stones, forced her to have sex with each of them, and left her bruised and slipping in and out of consciousness. The next morning, officers found Teresa and returned her to the Shattuck. She continued her pattern of threatening to hang herself one moment and smiling beatifically the next.

One nurse attributed Teresa's problems to the fact that "staff cannot give her the love of a boyfriend, mother, father or sibling, and . . . nobody could ever fill her. She is so empty."

FREEDOM BECKONED FROM beyond the hospital's locked doors, and in 1988, at age 29, Teresa took another stab at living more independently. But after two years in a group home, she could no longer ward off depression. Teresa began hearing her father's voice, telling her to join her family. When a fire alarm sounded in the home, she refused to leave. "I might as well die in the fire," she said. "I should never have been born."

Back at the Shattuck, where psychiatrists diagnosed her with post-traumatic stress disorder and schizoaffective disorder, Teresa insisted she had "no life."

It was a spring day in 1992 when an assertive woman named Betty Dew introduced herself to Teresa, telling her she was her new legal guardian. Teresa looked at the stranger, a former nurse with a law degree, and brushed her off with a simple "Get lost."

Teresa had trouble extending trust to anyone, let alone another caretaker who she feared would leave her, as so many others had. But Dew wouldn't leave, and it took months before Teresa offered her anything more than "The doctor is a nut." Still, it would be the one relationship that would last for the rest of her life.

In 1994, with Dew's prodding, Teresa made another go at living outside the hospital. In a new group home, she bowled, swam, and visited a nearby petting zoo. Though she stole and crashed the director's car, she received praise from her caretakers as a "big help." Teresa's "getting the idea she deserves a life despite the death of her family," one therapist wrote.

But as her spirit seemed to heal, her body began to fail. Lethargic and bloated at 37, Teresa was diagnosed with kidney failure, most likely the result of nearly a decade of lithium treatment. The group home sent her back to the Shattuck. It would be the beginning of a litany of ailments and injuries -- from respiratory failure to pneumonia to a massive hematoma on her left hip. She also suffered from many operations gone wrong, including so many infected catheters that her body became like a ragged pincushion.

To survive her kidney woes, Teresa had to sit in a chair three days a week, four hours at a time, after nurses connected dialysis tubes to her veins and arteries. That was the easy part. Not only did she undergo repeated operations, in which doctors inserted catheters everywhere from her groin to her chest, she had to maintain strict control over her weight. That meant the amount of water she drank had to be strictly regulated - every day, for the rest of her life.

Yet she couldn't control herself, and she sneaked water, sometimes slurping it from toilet bowls. "I can cheat sometimes. So what?" she told one doctor. "I don't care if I die."

Even in her misery, though, she finally had what she'd always yearned for -- a family. The doting caretakers, the patients she considered her pals or even boyfriends, and Betty Dew. They took her out for Chinese food, on trips to her family's unmarked pauper's grave site, and she made them colorful beaded bracelets and necklaces.

And then, in June 2003, on the same day that she became an orphan 30 years earlier, one more operation to replace one more catheter went wrong.

Around midnight, her face gaunt, her voice raspy, and the aches and pains consuming her, Teresa kept screaming. "You're torturing me," she yelled at the Shattuck intern trying to stop the blood flowing from her chest. A shell of her normal self, Teresa was half the weight of a few years before, her skin sagging off her bones, many of her veins scarred. She looked 45 going on 75. The next morning, after an ambulance took Teresa to the Tufts-New England Medical Center, Dew found her in a hospital gown, crying, her blood-soaked clothes piled in a bag.

Months before, Teresa's doctors had wondered how far to push their treatment. "Remember, we were talking about what to do if your heart stopped, if you would want to have a breathing tube?" Dew asked Teresa.

"No, no, no!" Teresa shouted. "It's time. I can't do it anymore."

All of her life, others had decided when she could smoke, what she could eat, whom she could speak to. This was her decision. Without dialysis, Teresa's kidneys couldn't filter toxins from her blood, and it wouldn't take long for the poison to take effect. She understood.

"Can't you just put me to sleep, like a dog?"

Dew looked at her incredulously. "No, that's not legal."

Teresa turned the subject to her funeral. She wanted to be buried with a real rosary -- "not those fake plastic ones"; she wanted an open casket, because her relatives wouldn't let her view her family at their funeral; and she wanted her stuffed animals, her favorite cigarettes, Basic 100s, and a Pepsi buried with her.

Then Teresa lit a cigarette bummed from a stranger, and Dew watched as all the years of pent-up anger, all the strain from the years of pain and loneliness, and all the demands of Teresa's relentless routine seemed to slip away. A calm came over her. And then, exultant, Teresa broke into song: "You're a grand old flag,/ You're a high-flying flag,/ And forever in peace may you wave." Afterward, she recited the Pledge of Allegiance.

Dew never saw her so happy.

IF TERESA LIVED her life like a ghost to the outside world, she was something of a celebrity inside the corridors of the mental health system, with her contagious smile that revealed all the missing teeth from years of poor hygiene. In droves, doctors, nurses, everyone from guards to administrators, flocked to see her on 6 South, a medical unit she often called home at the Shattuck, to hug her and offer her presents. They took her to the beach and out for ice cream. She was like a queen, her wheelchair her throne. "I never had so much fun in my life," she told her guardian. "I do love a lot of people."

Some of the staff questioned whether she was competent to choose to stop dialysis and cried when they learned of her decision. "We just didn't want her to die," says Mary Keohane, Teresa's chief dialysis nurse. "It was like, 'I worked so hard to keep you here. How dare you not continue!' "

AT 2 A.M. ON ONE of her last days, Teresa refused to sleep. "Freedom -- that's what I want," she told Dew, promising to be her guardian angel. "I know you don't fly like a bird . . . the way they soar, like the crows and the . . . little pigeons. Freedom's in your heart. It's beautiful - peace at last."

Dew sneaked her out of the hospital and took her to the large home of one of Teresa's long-term caregivers, where she breathed in a quiet she had never known. "My dream has come true," she said. "This is all I ever wanted."

Her gravelly voice became halting, her nose runny, her eyes heavy, and her skin increasingly pale. She was dying, but still smiling, almost glowing.

Asked to sum up her life in a video her caretakers made, Teresa said, "I was a hell-raiser."

Two days later, on a perfect spring afternoon, Teresa sat on the stoop of a local hospice center. A doctor and social worker held her hands and rubbed lilac lotion on her back, listening to Teresa crack jokes to the end. She held a Pepsi in one hand and a Basic 100 in the other. Next to her were the stuffed animals that reminded her of the family's German shepherds, which her father had also shot to death the night he murdered her family.

"I'm ready to die," she said in her last moments.

AT THE SHATTUCK, administrators cleared the chapel for the funeral, and hundreds of people -- janitors, fellow patients, the chief executive - came to celebrate Teresa's life. They kissed her hands, her forehead, her cheeks. Some left a Pepsi or cigarette in the casket. Others brought lilacs, her favorite flowers, or beaded necklaces. She looked peaceful in the lilac-colored casket, her head on a lacy pillow, just as she'd demanded.

Nearly everyone had a story. A nurse joked about how Teresa flirted with the paramedics who took her to the hospice center. A patient welled up with tears and described her as his best friend. A therapist recounted how she hid a pet mouse in her shoe. They read poems, sang songs, and lavished their "Big T," as Teresa called herself, with praise.

At the end, one caretaker said this about Teresa: "She has lived a life warriors would dread. . . . She brazenly turned hard times into fun-filled times. Even at departure time, she still beamed smiles to all. She played with words to crack beautiful, rib-cracking jokes. She knew life must be lived to the fullest. She survived when others succumbed to the pains of life."

SIDEBAR: In Her Own Words
Teresa O'Leary provided a grim picture of her world inside psychiatric hospitals with this piece from a 1987 writers' group that she had joined.

"LIFE IN THE NUT HOUSE"

Life in the nut house. They tell you what to do and I don't like to be bossed around. I don't like the way they give you meds all the time. They think they can take away your cig breaks from you. It is no fun being locked in the ward with a bunch of crazy people. I don't like the way nurses are always bossing me around. I just don't like the way they all boss you around.

It is like being in prison. I been here for 13 years. This place is nothing but trouble. The staff are mean to you. They think they are big shots around the ward. The people here are very sick and take a lot of meds. They pace up and down and also walk around. They are very mixed up and crazy in the head.

Thank God I have a radio which passes the time away. Some staff try their best. First the men shower then the women. We have snacks around 8:30 at night. We also have social hour which runs from 7 to 8 -- a whole hour. The staff go on break for one whole hour too.

I have been here a long time. Once you get in here it's hard to get out. There is only one staff I like the most. They tell me what to do and then we fight and I go use the quiet room. They are very mean to you. They don't treat you good. All the staff give me a hard time on the ward.


I was 15 years old when I came in the hospital. I found my family dead and then they put me in the hospital. I thought I would have to stay here a long time.

For more, listen to a broadcast that followed the publication of this story on National Public Radio's The Connection: theconnection.org/shows/2004/07/20040720_a_main.asp

A Robed Grandiloquence


By David Abel
Globe Staff
12/10/2006

AN AIDE ONCE complained to Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes that "one man in a thousand" understood his opinions. "I write for that man," Holmes is said to have replied. By comparison, Judge Bruce M. Selya, according to a former clerk, writes for "one in a million."

In more than 1,000 decisions over nearly 25 years on the federal bench, the past 20 in Boston as one of six judges on the US Court of Appeals for the First Circuit, Selya has beguiled -- and at times baffled -- colleagues and litigants with obscure and occasionally less than judicious verbiage.

Over the summer, for example, he opened a decision in a libel suit against the Boston Phoenix by writing: "The oenologist's creed teaches that we should drink no wine before its time. Much the same principle applies to summary judgment; it is a deliciously helpful device if properly timed, but one that can leave a sour taste if brought to bear on an insufficiently fermented record."

The judge's mix of arcana and acidity -- what he might call a "salmagundi" of "hyperbolic rodomontade" -- has been compared with that of Holofernes, the pompous schoolmaster in Shakespeare's "Love's Labor's Lost" who spoke in Latinisms. And over the years it has raised questions about the proper balance of clarity and style in judicial opinion writing.

Despite the rigorous logic of his decisions, which are among the most cited of federal judges, some scholars and fellow jurists have used his opinions as examples of what to avoid in legal writing. "Sometimes Judge Selya crosses the line," says US District Judge Nancy Gertner, who has had her share of opinions overturned by Selya. "We're not gods on high. We need to be as clear as possible."

Selya acknowledges the criticism. "I do take some kidding," he says.

In recent years, he insists, he has avoided using puns, particularly of litigants' names. (In a 1987 opinion involving a company called Brad Foote Gear Works, Selya couldn't resist noting that Foote "does not toe the mark," his "stance sidesteps the established principle," and concluding that "the shoe, fitting, must be worn.")

This month, the 72-year-old Reagan-appointed Rhode Islander, whose failing eyesight now forces him to use a special magnifying machine to read, will assume senior status, meaning he'll give up his seat on the court and hear cases at his leisure. Yet he shows no signs of abandoning his approach to language.

"There are no such things as obscure words; there are just words that are temporarily abandoned. It's part of my responsibility to resuscitate them," Selya says. "I may be incurably lexiphanic -- but lexiphanicism for its own sake is not my style."
A graduate of Harvard Law School who spent 22 years in private practice, Selya says he often fell asleep to all the profession's "gray prose," and vowed to spice up his opinions when he became a judge. "One of the challenges I set for myself was to see if sound jurisprudence could be written in such a way that would be relatively interesting reading," he says at his chambers in Providence. "Instead of being written in all grays, you could write it in pastels, maybe even a little vermillion or puce."
Scholars of legal writing, however, accuse Selya of going too far, to the point that his opinions are too often impenetrable, or worse, self-absorbed -- preoccupied with peculiar words that serve Selya's sense of style but obscure his meaning. One clerk, for instance, remembered a decision that left lawyers asking, "Who won?"
"As a word lover, you have to appreciate a fellow word lover," says Bryan A. Garner, editor in chief of Black's Law Dictionary. "On the other hand, it can be disappointing to see a writer using a fancy word for an everyday idea."
Many of Selya's favorite words do have simpler synonyms, including perscrutation (scrutiny), inconcinnate (unsuitable), gallimaufry (an assortment), perficient (efficient), exiguous (meager), neoteric (recent), and sockdolager (a decisive reply).
Garner and others argue that judges should make the law more accessible by avoiding jargon, long, clause-ridden sentences, and 50-cent words.
"The job of the appellate judge is to communicate the decision as clearly and efficiently as possible," says Joseph Kimble, editor in chief of The Scribes Journal of Legal Writing. "Just as lawyers shouldn't waste a judge's time, judges shouldn't waste a lawyer's time."
Transparency doesn't mean opinions must lack finesse, says Kimble, pointing to Supreme Court Justices Louis Brandeis, Benjamin Cardozo, and Robert Jackson as examples of those who maintained a plainspoken elegance. He and others also cite Justice Antonin Scalia as an example of an opinion-writer who turns a clever phrase without leaving litigants bereft of his meaning.
In "The Lawyers Guide to Writing Well," New York Law School professor Jethro Lieberman argues most legal writing ranges from foggy to flabby. It only gets worse when lawyers and jurists overreach. "There's a place for literary flair, if it's good," Lieberman says. "Writing that comes across as too cute, cavalier, or demeaning is a disservice."
As challenging as it may be to grasp, Selya's writing is rarely dull. William Domnarski, the author of "In the Opinion of the Court," a history of federal court judicial opinions, says he's so drawn to the judge's writing that he reads his new opinions nearly every week.
"Selya does have a tendency to show off, but he takes you on a tour of the law with an impish style," Domnarski says. "He has his own voice, and he uses it to draw attention to what he believes. He should be applauded for that."
Selya's closest readers, however, are those who have no choice. In an arena where language is everything, misunderstanding can pose a serious problem.
When Selya's opinions return to Judge Reginald Lindsay on the federal district court of Massachusetts, he goes through the words very carefully.
"First, I have to understand it myself," Lindsay says. "You can't read his opinions on the subway...a pocket dictionary doesn't work."
Then he worries about improperly translating them to a jury. "I wonder whether I'm changing the meaning of his words. I worry if I choose a different word, am I changing the law?"
Fellow First Circuit judges say that while they may not always understand Selya's language, they have learned from him. Occasionally, Judge Juan Torruella even poaches from his opinions.
"Copying can be the biggest compliment you can pay someone," Torruella says. "One of his favorite words, 'struthious' [ostrichlike], I like very much. If people have to look it up, that's OK. It makes them think about his decisions."
For lawyers, meanwhile, arguing before Selya can be a harrowing experience.
John Tarantino, a criminal defense attorney in Providence, once received an opinion from the judge describing one of his arguments as having the "ubiquity and variety of graffiti in a subway."
"He pretty much killed me in the first graph," Tarantino says, noting the unpleasantness of showing such a decision to clients.
Dina Chaitowitz, a US attorney in Boston, says she used to fret about arguing before Selya. "I often feared that, given my own limited vocabulary, I might misunderstand and then incorrectly respond during oral argument to an exotically-worded question."
But for Selya, the more exotic, the better. In a book of memoirs his clerks gave him for his 15th year on the federal bench, Sara Lord recalls how the judge often flipped through his thick, dusty 1934 Funk & Wagnalls New Standard Dictionary to find the right word.
"It wasn't enough that the word be obscure," she writes, "it also had to be ancient and exotic in origin. Anglo-Saxon words were good, but I remember the judge being particularly excited when he was able to use an ancient Persian word that probably no living person had seen or heard in the last thousand years."
David Abel of the Globe staff can be reached at dabel@globe.com.
Sidebar: In Selya's words:

Martha's Vineyard Scuba Headquarters, Inc. v. The Unidentified, Wrecked, & Abandoned Steam Vessel, 1987
"When Erasmus mused that "[a] common shipwreck is a source of consolation to all", Adagia, IV.iii.9 (1508), he quite likely did not foresee inconcinnate free-for-alls among self-styled salvors. To the exact contrary of what the Dutch scholar had blithesomely predicted, the petitioner-appellant in this case, Martha's Vineyard Scuba Headquarters, Inc. (Mavis), took not a particle of comfort when an order was entered in a federal district court awarding title to various artifacts retrieved from a sunken ship to a rival, Marshallton, Inc. (Marshallton). Mavis appeals. We affirm."

William Williams v. Ashland Engineering Co., 1995
“We are reminded today that malapropisms, despite their semantic shortcomings, often describe the human condition with unerring accuracy. There are, for example, certain situations that actually do evoke the sensation of "deja vu all over again." We explain below why this appeal falls into that category.”

Waddie Jusino v. Carmen Sonia Zayas, 1989
“We today confront a procedural motley, consisting of a miswritten docket, a timeous motion thought late, a further motion (of uncertain provenance), a wrongly-captioned appeal, a long-delayed reconsideration and reversal of position by the district court (eventuating at a time when its jurisdiction, arguably, was in abeyance), a second appeal, and a compendium of interwoven details (including the remnants of a waived motion for directed verdict). Underneath the case lie, however, more comforting threads -- principles of equity and common sense. Their presence allows us to shape the dizzying patchwork of these appeals into a set of serviceable vestments.”

Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen and Helpers Union, Local No. 59, v. Superline Transportation Company, 1992
“It is said that coming events often cast their shadows before, cf., e.g., Cicero, De Divinatione, I, 118 ("It was ordained at the beginning of the world that certain signs should prefigure certain events."), and so it is in this appeal. A battle which started to go sour for the appellant two years ago ends today in full retreat …. A court need not, however, give credence to the movant's bald assertions, unsubstantiated conclusions, periphrastic circumlocutions, or hyperbolic rodomontade …. In the absence of any cognizable representation that its underlying suit possessed merit … we add, as an eschatocol of sorts, that not only the representation, but also the actuality, falls short.”

Vincent Ferrar v. USA, 2006
“It is axiomatic that the government must turn square corners when it undertakes a criminal prosecution. This axiom applies regardless of whether the target of the prosecution is alleged to have engaged in the daintiest of white-collar crimes or the most heinous of underworld activities. It follows that courts must be scrupulous in holding the government to this high standard as to sympathetic and unsympathetic defendants alike. The case before us plays out against the backdrop of these aphorisms.”

Carroll Shelby v. Superformance International, Inc., 2006
“The appellants, Carroll Shelby, Shelby American, Inc., and Carroll Shelby Licensing, Inc. (collectively, Shelby), cloak this appeal in the raiment of trade-dress law. That masquerade ignores the central question of mootness (an issue that Shelby attempted to obscure in its appellate filings). For the reasons that follow, we conclude that Shelby's appeal must be dismissed and that vacation of the decision below is unwarranted.”

Salim Aoude v. Mobil Oil Corporation, 1988
“Plaintiff-appellant Salim Aoude, defendant-in-counterclaim, polemizes mightily against a preliminary injunction … In the end, Aoude huffs and puffs, but he fails to blow down the edifice which the district court competently constructed from the facts of record and the applicable law. Cf. The Three Little Pigs 16-18 … To the extent that appellant urges other grounds for reversal of the interlocutory injunction, they are either adequately covered by the district court's opinion, or so jejune as not to merit discussion, or both. In particular, the claim that the court below misused its discretion in declining to issue a restraining order in Aoude's favor trenches upon the frivolous. What appellant labors to portray as a robust haboob is not even a gentle zephyr. The house, we think, is sturdy enough to withstand the prevailing winds.”

Ronald E. Wagenmann v. Russell J. Adams, 1987
“It was early in the seventeenth century when George Herbert wrote: "Marry your son when you will; your daughter when you can." The sagacity of that advice, suspect in any era, was called into grave doubt some three hundred fifty years later in Worcester, Massachusetts … Because the underlying circumstances border on the chimerical, we set out an exegetic account … We believe that the jury's view of Wagenmann as "a man more sinn'd against than sinning," to borrow a phrase which the bard of Avon used to describe another daughter-doubting paterfamilias, is fully supportable on this record.”

Norma Arriaga-Zayas v. International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union--Puerto Rico Council, 1987
“In plaintiffs' judgment, Splendorform International, Inc. (Splendorform), a lingerie manufacturer, made a slip when it laid off some ninety sewing machine operators incident to a reorganization in 1984. …The relevant factual and procedural background has been set out authoritatively by the district court, and we need not restitch that fabric in any great detail … In this case, the plaintiffs' own filings place them snugly within the tightest of corsets … They claimed then to have lifted the petticoat of "pretensions" and to have glimpsed the perfidy which underlay it. Having spied the wrongdoing, the aggrieved workers were bound to act upon this knowledge in a timely fashion, that is, to sue within the six month limitations period or forever hold their peace. By neglecting to file a complaint for well over a year thereafter, they are undone.”
Copyright, The Boston Globe

Lure of the Locomotive

By David Abel
Globe Staff

11/30/2003

Scruffy, sleepless, and wearing sunglasses that obscure a gaze fixed on the next journey, Jack Rothwell is something of a sociable loner, a solo traveler who roams the country in search of strangers to befriend.

The 45-year-old orphan calls himself Amtrak Jack, a moniker he leaves proudly on his answering machine and beside the buzzer to his base between trips, a spartan one-bedroom apartment in Mission Hill.

Rothwell never worked for Amtrak, or any other train company. But when he sports one of the 27 belt buckles he has collected from lines such as the Heber Creeper or the Galloping Goose, carries an old caboose lantern, and pulls his corduroy cap low over his forehead, he could pass for a brakeman or an engineer, like his uncle.

The short, pot-bellied train enthusiast says he never wanted such a conventional job, though he considered it and even applied for a few positions over the years. Rather than clipping tickets or sweeping stations, he has taken a less secure, less limiting track, which for years has relegated him to riding freight class.

"A modern-day hobo, that's what they call me free and dandy," he says.
Despite heightened security in the past few years, federal railroad officials and police estimate that a few thousand vagabond veterans like Amtrak Jack continue to find holes in the fences around the nation's freight yards, using scanners to listen for the next train heading out of town, and stealthily slip into unlocked boxcars, journeying wherever the locomotives take them.

Over the years, much has been written to romanticize the freedom of life as a hobo some say the word comes from the Latin "homo bonus," or good man but there's often more solitude than glamour in crossing the country in bumpy, slow-moving railway cars. There are also risks.

While asleep, a hobo may find his boxcar suddenly locked, from the outside. Certain lines that are popular with those looking for free rides bring the danger of scamps, grifters, and other thieving drifters. And there's the risk of being seriously injured running through the night to hop a moving car as happened to Rothwell a few years ago or getting busted and spending a night in jail for trespassing, a plight he has managed to avoid so far.

Why put himself in such peril?

"I do it because it's in my blood," he says, "and for the honor of making another trip, seeing the countryside pass, and for the love of all the speed and power of the trains."

The number of trespassers who have died on the nation's railways has risen in the past few years, from 463 people in 2000 to 541 in 2002, according to the Federal Railroad Administration, which doesn't break the numbers down for hobos. In Massachusetts, between January 2000 and this past August, 44 trespassers died on the state's railway properties.

Officials at CSX Corp., the East Coast's largest freight rail company, say they've ratcheted up security, along with federal and state authorities, and have less tolerance for those trespassing on their 23,000 miles of track or illegally boarding one of the 1,200 trains they operate every day.

Last year, the company issued warnings to more than 9,500 trespassers and ordered the arrest of 801 people caught anywhere from their freight yards to their trains, up from 731 arrests in 2001.

"I would describe hobos as a constant phenomenon in our system," said Dan Murphy, a CSX spokesman. "They should know it's dangerous, what they're doing, and we'll prosecute them to the full extent of the law for trespassing."
Such tough talk doesn't faze Rothwell.

Born in Brookline, he had a tough lot growing up. At age 8, his mother died of lung cancer, and two years later, not long after giving him his first train set, a Lionel, his father died from the same disease.

Still, Rothwell has fond memories of his childhood, and one in particular his first train trip. The 20-hour ride in 1962 started from South Station and crossed northwest through Buffalo, where his family switched to the New York Central's Wolverine line, and ended in Detroit.

When they arrived, his uncle, an engineer who worked for New York Central, met them at the station, and Rothwell remembers him saying, "Jackie, how would you like to drive the train?" The two walked into the engineer's car and the boy sat in the engineer's chair. In perhaps his most formative experience, the engineer took his hand and pushed the throttle, setting the train forward at about 4 miles per hour and providing the boy a thrill that still hasn't worn off. Then the engineer took his hand and moved it to the brake, a sound so loud he says he can still hear it, and Rothwell says he vowed then, "I'm going to ride trains the rest of my life."

It would be another decade before he took his first solo trip. Despite more tough times his ailing grandmother sent him to a group home he never forgot the intense experience of that trip to Detroit. "I was meeting other kids, playing checkers and Tonka trucks, and going to the observation car for a Coca-Cola," he says. "It was awesome."

At 14, he saved $60 from his allowance at the group home and decided one day to bolt from school "I didn't have the patience to sit in a class," he says for a quick trip to New York City. He took the New Haven Railroad, leaving South Station at noon only to return by midnight, with just enough time there, he says, to get a Coke, some postcards, and visit the top of the Empire State Building.

By the time he reached 16, he started looking farther over toward the horizon, to the west. On his first such trip, when he found he had little money to spare once he reached Chicago, some guy in a freight yard showed him where to hop the Santa Fe line to California, he says, and 21 hours later, with only a bottle of water, a few cans of spaghetti, and a lantern, he arrived in Barstow.

"I just wanted to see what it was like," he says some 3 million miles later, claiming to have traveled to all the states on the continent, including Alaska, and to have collected about 5,000 addresses of folks he met along the way. "I didn't think about the consequences; I just went."

Since then, after finally graduating from Brookline High School at 20, he has amassed a collection of 170 sew-on patches, nearly all from different rail lines. "The patches," he says, "are my pay, my honor."

As much as he thrives on being on the move, on watching the foothills rise into mountains, or feeling the roar of the locomotives, part of the lure remains the escape. Especially during the holidays. Over the years, with little family left to share Thanksgiving or Christmas, he has often packed his duffel bag, walked to the tracks, found himself a train, and set off on a spontaneous jaunt.

Escape, he has learned, doesn't quench the loneliness. For that, he brings along cards to play solitaire, a mobile TV with extra batteries, and plenty of whiskey, preferably Seagrams 7. "A freight car sure can get lonely," he says, "but there's always the next town, always the chance I'll meet someone at the next stop, and that eases the pain."

When not traveling and because of the fall he took a few years ago, he doesn't set out as often as he used to he spends his days doing odd jobs, cleaning, or painting apartments in the neighborhood, monitoring the weather for a local TV station, and helping close a bar he frequents in South Station, where he's now a part of the family. He also tends to his own collection of trains, scores of vintage model boxcars, cabooses, tankers, and flat cars.

"He's the most wonderful, helpful pain in my butt there is," says Lisa Holzemer, a bartender at Clarke's Turn of the Century Saloon in South Station, who has served Rothwell his trusty rum and Cokes for six years. "His jokes stink, and he may tell you them five times, but everyone loves his adventure stories. He's a good man with a big heart, who happens to love trains."

Despite a bad back and a knee that feels the weather, things are better and more stable than they once were. He lives modestly, with few possessions other than a host of train paraphernalia, everything from an old dynamite cap to a pile of books full of train regulations. Thanks to a state-subsidized apartment, he no longer worries about making the rent each week at a rooming house, or when there wasn't enough, securing a spot in the back of a trolley car in Cleveland Circle.

Though he jokes that he feels like he's 45 going on 85, the aging hobo's health has improved enough for him to start making journeys again. In August, he says, he made his latest trip, clearing more than 4,000 miles, going from Boston to Chicago to Cheyenne, Wyo., in four days.

"It felt terrific," he says. "I didn't lose my touch."

Now he's talking about his next trip, to the South, most likely to New Orleans. He doesn't have any fixed plans, which is normal, but he's thinking about next month, perhaps during the holidays.

"I'm back in the game now," he says. "What happens tomorrow or the next day, who knows, but after that, it's boom-boom, bang-bang, and I'm off to another town."

David Abel can be reached at dabel@globe.com

Copyright, The Boston Globe

The Parrot Lady Fights Boredom

By David Abel
Globe Staff
9/26/2000

CAMBRIDGE - It doesn't take a philosopher to understand how boredom corrodes the soul.

Whatever you call it - angst, ennui, or weltshmerz - the mix of solitude and emptiness is a gnawing disease for a gregarious species such as the human being.

Although such self-conscious despair has been held up by the likes of Descartes as a uniquely human distinction, other creatures experience the cerebral malady, especially domesticated animals, researchers at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology say.

The problem for pets, like toddlers in constant need of a diversion, is that they can't just flip on the television, pick up a newspaper, or make a call to banish their boredom. When their masters leave, often locking pets in cages or small rooms for most of the day, the animals suffer a privation similar to prisoners in solitary confinement, researchers say.

Now, in a bid to blunt the tedium and loneliness they believe afflicts many of the 125 million domestic dogs, cats, and birds throughout the country, MIT researchers are turning to the latest cure-for-all-ills - the Internet.

"Many animals have a lot more intelligence than they're given credit for," said Irene Pepperberg, a visiting professor at MIT who is leading the research. "What we're trying to do [in the case of pets] is to use our knowledge of their intelligence to challenge them, enhance their environments, and reduce their deprivation when they're alone."

Pepperberg, one the nation's leading authorities on animal intelligence, believes most animals are unfairly denigrated as "creatures of instinct" rather than "sentient beings."

For the last 23 years, she has studied the cognitive abilities of grey parrots, proving that with proper training they can identify scores of different objects, recognize quantities, distinguish colors and shapes, and understand the concepts of "bigger," "smaller," "same," and "different."

The professor believes her work shows animals don't merely respond to stimulus, as behaviorists argue, but actually think. For Pepperberg, years of testing her 23-year-old parrot, Alex, confirm that birds with a walnut-size brain can do more than mimic or learn rote behavior; she said her parrots reason, comprehend, and calculate at the level of a 4-year-old child.

They're also temperamental like young children, especially in isolation. When Pepperberg leaves her parrots alone for too long, as happens when she locks them in cages at MIT for the night, they become withdrawn, pluck out their feathers, scream, and become recalcitrant and disobedient.

After so many years studying parrots, she's now setting out to achieve a lifelong goal, one she has had since her father brought home her first parakeet when she was a child growing up in New York City. It's among the main reasons why Pepperberg has spent most of her life studying animals: She wants to improve their lives.

Since moving to MIT last year from the University of Arizona, she has been soliciting ideas. In an ad posted on the Internet, she asks students: "Toys for children are now often computer-driven and interactive; might the same advances be applicable to toys for pets? . . . Can you devise something more interesting than a chew toy for Rover, a catnip mouse for Fluffy, or a mirrored bell for Polly?"

They have, or at least they're trying.

Perhaps the most intriguing pet diversion is called InterPet Explorer. The idea is to build a bird-friendly Web browser that enables parrots to use the Internet to play games, look and squawk at pictures of parrots and other images, listen to music, interact with their owners, and, perhaps, socialize with other parrots in chat rooms.

"We're still at the very early stages," said Benjamin Resner, a children's software developer and one of Pepperberg's research assistants, who came up with the idea. "The hope is that, if this works, it's something that will be applicable for other animals and enrich the lives of America's pets."

So far, however, the project has been slow to advance. The prime research subject, Arthur - a 2-year-old parrot who is also called "Wart" after Merlin the magician's nickname for King Arthur in the book, "The Once and Future King" - still pecks at virtual images of other parrots without understanding the experiment.

The design of InterPet Explorer is evolving. Over the past few months, it has consisted of a joystick that Wart can move in various directions, and a tough Lucite box with clickable levers. The goal is for the bird to manipulate the joystick with his beak, choosing from various musical selections and images displayed on a nearby monitor. Parrots require a liquid crystal display screen because the flickering of conventional television screens and computer monitors make it difficult for them to see images clearly.

The researchers are also experimenting with how to train Wart. They don't force him to use the browser, and the parrot doesn't earn rewards for choosing a particular course of action. "His motivation for using the setup are the intrinsic rewards of interaction, problem solving, entertainment, and diversion - much the same as for human computer users," according to the project's promotional literature.

"The initial goal is not only to allow him to pick his screen wallpaper or choose tunes from a jukebox, but also to teach him to use the controller to change his environment," the prospectus explains. "Once he learns how this Lucite box controls his environment, he has learned to interface with any software we develop."

The problem of getting Wart on the Internet, however, has proven more difficult than previously thought. It's not just a matter of teaching him to use a modified mouse; it's getting the bird interested in the content.

In recent tests, images displayed on the LCD screen have had little to no effect. Pictures of Pepperberg meant to please Wart have not provoked a significantly different response than pictures of an owl, a natural enemy.

"We're still in the stage of figuring out what they like to manipulate," said Bruce M. Blumberg, an assistant professor at MIT who is helping Pepperberg supervise the research. "Do they want video screens, or would they prefer more of a tactile surface to interface with? We're studying their play patterns, as anyone would do designing toys for kids."

No matter how eerily human grey parrots sound when they speak, some scientists reject the premise that animals can think - or experience conscious feelings like boredom. Yet Pepperberg and her fellow researchers say they have only received encouragement for the project.

"What we hear is more that we should push ahead," Pepperberg said.


Last year, the raven-haired professor, 51, completed the bulk of her life's work - a book published by Harvard University Press containing more than two decades worth of data detailing her parrot Alex's cognitive feats.

The research compiled in "The Alex Studies" doesn't just point out the intelligence of grey parrots, Pepperberg said; it serves to suggest how little we understand about animal cognition and how much more there is to learn.

For most of her career, Pepperberg has sought something akin to King Solomon's ring, which, according to legend, allowed him to communicate with all the animals in his kingdom. With the training methods she has honed over 23 years, teaching Alex to distinguish everything from colors to objects, she believes she has found at least an approximation to the fabled ring.

Now, she's looking to put the research to use. She recently flew Alex and her other bird, Griffin, from Tucson to MIT to join Wart in the research.

A demonstration of parrot intelligence early this month by Alex, however, reflects the difficulties that lay ahead for InterPet Explorer and any other interactive device MIT researchers design in hopes of easing pets' boredom.

Holding Alex on her hand and pointing to a jumble of blocks, Pepperberg asked him, "How many green blocks?"

"Two," the parrot answered incorrectly.

"No," Pepperberg said testily and prodded him again with same question.

This time, no answer.

"C'mon Alex, you're playing games," she complained. "Wake up! You're not being very cooperative."

After a few seconds of silence, the bedraggled bird, eyed the blocks and reconsidered his previous response. "Four," he answered correctly.

Then, repeating a phrase well known to the less schooled of his species, the parrot demanded: "Want a nut."

David Abel can be reached at
dabel@globe.com

Copyright, The Boston Globe

The Racist Next Door

Don Black fills the Internet with hate and calls for a revolution to split the country along racial lines.

By David Abel
NEW TIMES
2/19/1998

Beads of perspiration slide into his bloodshot eyes. The underarms of his shirt are soaked through, leaving salty circles. And the former grand wizard of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan is now sweating through his second cotton polo shirt in four hours. It's not that humid, but Don Black, the 44-year-old ex-chief of the sheet-shrouded fraternity of racists, fears he's setting himself up to be smeared by the press on Martin Luther King Day. The media -- a cabal of Jews intent on weaving lies -- has it in for him, he says. But the lure of publicity proves too much. He can't pass on the opportunity.

The bulky bigot plods north along South Olive Avenue in West Palm Beach, Tugging at the hand of his eight-year-old son. Black disregards the Guatemalan immigrants grooming the row of manicured lawns. Clad in khaki pants and bright white tennis shoes, the 6-foot-3-inch man with the helmet of gently graying hair effects more a suburban soccer dad than a frothy monomaniac poised to lead the next Civil War. Yet Black's beefy shoulders, like the indelible numbers branded onto Holocaust survivors, reveal that which can't be concealed --a criminal history marked by a three-year prison term for plotting a coup on a mostly black Caribbean island. And now the former national KKK leader is crusading to split the country along racial lines as the vanguard of white supremacy on the Internet.

Black's swastika-strewn "Stormfront" -- the only white supremacist Website on the Internet before the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City -- is identified as "the trailblazer" and "the granddaddy of extremism" in on-line racism by staunch critics like the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and the Nazi-hunting Simon Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles. Their concerns are not unfounded. Black is capable and has a distinct vision.

"We see the breakup [of the United States] coming in about twenty years -- it's a natural progression of events," says Black, walking hand-in-hand with his son to their lemon tree-shaded clapboard home in West Palm Beach. " The Internet is a means of planting seeds for the future. There are a lot of middle-class people who feel disaffected -- and in Stormfront they can find what they can't in the mss media. It's about building a community and attracting hard-core supporters.

"We don't use the 'nigger, nigger' type of approaches," he says, showing disdain for name- calling. He now prefers quasi-scientific or pseudointellectual identifications of racial differences. "We don't want to present the Jerry Springer or Geraldo Rivera image of rabid racists. There are a lot of people who want to agree with us. They just don't want to be associated with that."

Black and son stroll past the scores of squat mission-style homes in their Central park neighborhood. The red-haired boy's out of school for the day celebrating Robert E. Lee's birthday, unlike the four black children in his third-grade class at .... "I'm not into Martin Luther King's birthday, of course," Black explains. "It's an example of a government that no longer represents the interest of the majority of its people. One that no longer represents the heritage of this country. But the minority liberal, multcultural orthodoxy in this country has determined him to be a national hero. And while most Americans opposed the holiday -- white Americans, of course -- they now have to accept it, like they have accepted everything imposed on them."

A few miles north, city officials are breaking ground for a $300,000 Martin Luther King, Jr. memorial at Currie Park on Flagler Drive. In the Latino Southdale neighborhood to the south, salsa is heard more than country. And sandwiching Central park's stucco facades and Mediterranean-style bungalows are bodegas scattered along Dixie Highway to the west and a row of high-rise apartment buildings hugging the Intracoastal to the east that house many elderly Jews.

"It bothers me this area is more Guatemalan than American. It bothers me to wait in line at Publix for a Guatemalan to get out his food stamps. I don't want to pay taxes for them," says Black, who admits to years of chiding by fellow white supremacists for such an ill-fated family name. "It's too much like New York -- it's the front lines of the third-world invasion." He pauses then adds that he doesn't hate people of other races. In fact he admires resourceful leaders like Louis Farrakhan and Mexico's Zapatista rebel leader Subcomandante Marcos. They should just live in other countries, he says.

There's an upside to spurring a revolution with the click of a mouse instead of a flaming cross: Black can spread his screed to the rest of the world without rankling his next-door neighbors. And he can do it in the den of South Florida's 18,400 Holocaust survivors and more than 620,000 Jews, 1.4 million Hispanics, and 814,000 blacks. A 30-year-old black neighbor who lives two doors from one of the nation's most outspoken racists has only heard rumors about the ex-Klansman. In the four years they've been neighbors, the man has only a few times glimpsed Black walking his scruffy German shepherd Heidi and his Belgian shepherd Gwen.

"Who? Oh, Don Black. We never see him," says Eileen Zern, who's lived next door on Lakeland Drive since before Black began fortifying his home a decade ago with enough advanced electronics to beam his racist call-to-arms around the globe. "They just don't have much to do with anyone else. Their house is kind of an enclave unto themselves."

BLACK FACES A glowing screen that's positioned like an altar in his musty cyber-compound, a Celtic cross reflects black, white, and red -- the colors of the Nazi flag -- in the Webmaster's glassy eyes. He scrolls down the site's greeting page (www.stormfront.org) to its burning block- lettered insignia: Stormfront. He passes a clump of white-supremacy articles in hypertext -- "Minutes of the Alternative Townhall [sic] Meeting on Race," "White Farmers in Zimbabwe," "Brainwashing Our Children: The Myth of Black History," and "My Indian Odyssey" by former Klan leader David Duke.

A banner in blocked text explains the site's purpose: "Stormfront is a resource for those courageous men and women fighting to preserve their White Western culture, ideals, and freedom of speech and association -- a forum for planning strategies and forming political and social groups to ensure victory."

Near the bottom an independently monitored hitbox -- an odometer of sorts that tracks visitors to the Website -- lists the number of times Stormfront has been viewed since Black launched the site on march 27, 1995. The figure confirmed by the ADL, stood at 825,441 in February. On average, 1500 browsers visit the site every day. The number of hits doesn't mean Black has a faithful cadre now approaching one million. It represents how many times the front page has been called up -- including frequent accidents. A more reliable indication for Stormfront's popularity is "unique" visitors, the number of which tells how many individual browsers have accessed the site. About 50 percent of Black's hits are unique, he says.

Black's headquarters -- a converted master bedroom in his house -- is a small square room that shelves scores of thick computer manuals and hundreds of books that range from Robert Lenski's Swastika at War and Toward a New Science of Man to John Toland's Adolf Hitler and The Bell Curve by Richard Hernstein and Charles Murray. Other titles visible include Lord Haw- Haw by William Joyce, Gore Vidal's Empire, and Which Way Western Man? by William Simpson, a favorite of Black's.

In one corner Old Dixie, the rebel flag, hangs from a high shelf. In another a David Duke campaign poster gathers dust on top of an old Solaflex exercise machine. The dank and brown paisley-curtained office -- with a main source of light being a gooey red lava lamp -- reeks of an unwashed dog.

While spewing computer jargon amid the stray monitors, keyboards, fax machines, scanners, and scattered circuitry, Black explains how he landed on the name Stormfront. "You need a colorful name. We wanted something militant-sounding that was also political and social. Stormfront says turbulence is coming, and afterwards there'll be a cleansing effect."

Black's first brush with computers came during childhood trips to the Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville, Alabama. He later tinkered with an early-model PC while living with Duke in 1981. Ironically it wasn't until he spent 1982 to 1985 in a federal prison in Texas that black began to develop computer expertise. Taxpayers paid for the grand wizard's programming classes, and he spent eight hours a day hacking away on the prison's Radio Shack TRS-80.

Since moving to West Palm Beach in 1987, Black has built a portfolio of mainly local businesses and a smattering of political computer clients around the country. He started out managing databases and designing bulletin boards, but now most of his money comes from designing Web pages. A few hundred dollars filters in from political donations each month, he says. But he works pro bono for about a dozen like-minded comrades such as Aryan Nations, The Truth at Last Newspaper, the Church of the Creator's Website, a Ku Klux Klan history site, and a racy Aryan Dating Page.

Black spends most of his time maintaining Stormfront. Black's reluctant to admit his wife works, preferring to maintain the 1950s heritage that a man should provide for woman and child.

Plugging away in cyberspace can get tedious. "There's at least twenty different things to do everyday," he says. Black formats articles in HTML (the Web's script), links and updates sites, answers up to 50 e-mails a day, maintains a graffiti-board, and edits out potentially dangerous postings like synagogue addresses and bong-making information. Black knows it's not illegal to tell people how to build a bomb. It is against the law to incite people to commit crimes. So to ward off eager censors and law enforcement, he avoids publishing anything critics might construe as advocating crimes. A recently added chat room features discussions on everything from "There's white trash too" to "Our dying culture," and it also requires frequent monitoring.

Then there are his enemies to content with. Vocal critics from the ADL and the Wiesenthal Center routinely recite the evils of Stormfront, arguing that the smart presentation and politically correct language veils the racism and threatens unsuspecting children. "He is showing the way for Klansmen, neo-Nazis, Holocaust deniers, and other haters who now utilize the World Wide Web to spread their propaganda and seek to attract new members," says Michael Winograd, the associate director of ADL's Florida regional office. "[Black' is a troubling character precisely because he is relatively articulate and intelligent and is not the knuckle-scraping neanderthal one might expect," chief on Winograd's list of sources of offensive material are Black's spectrum of links (connections to other Websites) that deny the Holocaust, propound "scientific" racism and revolutionary violence, a graphics library that includes an array of Nazi images from S.S. emblems to swastikas, and the myriad pseudointellectual racist essays.

The link to Aryan Nations, which Black designed, frets: "The Jew is like a destroying virus that attacks our racial body to destroy our Aryan culture and the purity of our race. Those of our race who resist these attacks are called 'chosen and faithful.' We believe that there is a battle being fought this day between the children of darkness (today known as Jews) and children of light, the Aryan Race, the true Israel of the Bible."

An essay "Love and hatred: Two Sides of the Same Coin" on the Website RaHoWa.com (Racial Holy War), another link to Stormfront fashioned by Black, counsels: "The problem is not that people hate, but that they hate the wrong people. For example, due to Jewish mind scrambling, many people hate us -- the very people who are trying to insure that they have a future. On the flip side, many people "love their enemies," the Jews, niggers, and other mud races -- those who seek their destruction. Does it make sense to love your friends and hate your enemies rather than the other way around? Does it not make more sense to destroy your persecutors than to 'pray for them?' Of course it does."

Black says aspiring censors like the ADL ad the German government force him to devote a part of every day to defending against cyber-assaults. He frequently gets "e-mail bombed" (a massive chain of e-mails that clog up a system or shut down the server), "ping flooded" (data packets of information that severely slow down communications to the server), and "blue screened" (data sent to overload and crash an operating system). He now uses three servers to protect Stormfront from crashing or being otherwise shoved off-line.

And, with a trace of pride, Black says he's on the verge of taking Stormfront into the Internet's next generation. He expects to stretch its interactive capacity to the edge of current technology by broadcasting audio feeds for a live call-in, radio-type show by mid-February. Thereafter he plans to cram a few dozen followers into his cave-like office to help air weekly shows through the Internet. Other updates in the near future include adding Russian and Italian sections to the international page, which already features racism and revisionism in Spanish and German. The next step - which Black says could come in the next few years -- is video feeds or Web TV. The Stormfront of today will be clunky in comparison to the flashier video. And Black believes that its message will only become more accessible.

Leaning back in a swivel chair, he says with the hint of a grin curling his lips, "The future's on our side; it's only a matter of time."

"AT ITS CORE THE argument is an old one-- should an incitement to hate be protected by the first Amendment?" harrumphs ABC News Nightline's Ted Koppel. The veteran late-night interrogator introduces the "Hate and the Internet" program, which aired last month, in his signature staccato cadences: "But what used to be limited to pamphlets and leaflets and street- corner ranting, what used to be inhibted by the reluctance of radio and television station owners to lose advertisers or even their licenses, has received an unprecedented shot in the arm from the Internet...."

It's not every racist who gets a soapbox with a national audience of about four million or the legitimacy of a perch once held by the likes of Henry Kissinger and Mikhail Gorbachev. And few right-wing conspiracy theorists get the chance to brand an apostle of the mainstream media a tool of a news monopoly on live network TV. On January 13, Black got those opportunities.

"Like many Website operators," intones a reporter in the opening video segment, "Black is using the Internet to promote a specific idea, in his case a political point of view."

Cut to Black propped in front of Old dixie, a row of books, and a computer monitor advertising Stormfront: "The Net has provided us with the opportunity to bring our point of view to hundreds of thousands of people who would never have otherwise subscribed to one of our publications or otherwise been in touch with any of our organizations."

The reporter tells viewers the Wiesenthal Center estimates at least 800 Websites like black's are now on the Internet and the bigotry-bashing group now spends 80 percent of its resources tracking "so-called 'on-line hate.'" Koppel explains the Internet could have about 200 million users by the turn of the century.

Rabbi Abraham Cooper, associate dean of the Wiesenthal Center: "The lunatic fringe has embraced this technology with a sophistication and a veracity that is frightening.... What started as a trickle has now evolved into an incredible deluge. In the last year alone, we've seen a 300 percent increase in the number of these pages put up on the World Wide Web."

Despite a sheen of sweat, the onset of stubble, and a drab gray pinstripe suit -- a no-no for TV -- Black was smooth, believable, and effective. He spoke in clear, crisp sentences. He invoked history, came across as authoritative about the mystifying mechanics of the Internet, and, when necessary, he parried sharply against Floyd Abrams, a prominent First Amendment attorney, who was featured as Black's foil in the tête-à-tête portion of the show. Yet the two didn't spar that much. Abrams repeatedly expressed support for Black's right to spread his message. And if face- time renders a winner, Black won. His nine ripostes -- which included repeated plugs for Stormfront, condemnation of proposed censorship by ADL and America Online, and summoning Thomas Jefferson to his defense -- pummeled Abrams' six shorter responses.

"You may consider my views dangerous, but so were those of the founding fathers," says Black, who in the video segment delivers his beloved Jeffersonian quote: "Nothing is more certainly written than that these, the Negro people, are to be free, nor is it less certain that equally free they cannot live under the same government." Black adds, "In fact their views... weren't that much different from my own."

Abrams:"Well, my --"

Koppel interrupts to dump on Black: "If you'll forgive me, most of us won't have trouble distinguishing between you and Thomas Jefferson," he said. But the momentarily flustered es- Klansman sallied back: "The truth will win the debate. There's no controlled point of view on the Net. There's no, unlike the, what I, what we consider a media monopoly, which your network is part of, all points of view are accessible, good and bad... So when you start talking about how dangerous or hateful I am, I think that's a little bit self-serving."

Media attention is a double-edged sword for Black. He knows he'll be labeled a "hater," bigot," or "supremacist." Words he views as "pejorative... meant to stifle argument." He prefers the sobriquet "racialist." But the mainstream media also brings large audiences. And his message, as was evident from his Nightline appearance, only has to prick a relatively few ears to serve his purpose. The next day 8020 hits registered on Stormfront, five times more than average. And a raft of e-mail queued up over the next few days. Some derided him or likened him to pure evil. Others simply requested more information on "interesting ideas." But most lauded him for being "articulate and credible," "cool-headed, polite, and very much a gentlemen," he claims. A few examples of those favoring Black:

Don: Because I watched Nightline this evening, I found your site. I am a "white" person who has decided I will no longer accept that title. Because black people have demanded that they be called "African-Americans," I have demanded that I will henceforth be referred to as a "European-American." Richard

Mr. Black: I watched Nightline last night, and Ted Kippel's [sic] closed and bigoted mind positively disgusted me. It is clear to anyone with a trace of intellect that the USA promotes myths such as racial intellectual equality.... Negro intellectual inferiority is so obvious that one would think that only total idiots could conclude otherwise. Gerald

Dear Mr. Black: Thank you for taking the time to care about our white pride and heritage, I am a firm supporter of your aims. The article entitled "What Is Racism" by Mr. Jackson touched me greatly. He clearly articulated what I have been feeling for many years. I will add your Website to my links page very soon... Again, thank you for your dedication and devotion to white heritage. White Pride!!!! Jeffrey

He knows he'll be labeled a "hater," bigot," or "supremacist." Words he views as "pejorative... meant to stifle argument."

David Hoffman, ADL's Webmaster in New York, lamented Nightline's decision to grant the ex- Klansman such exposure. "The short-form medium of television gives him a legitimacy he doesn't deserve," he said. "He was like an honest computer consultant with a different point of view. I believe in contextualizing this stuff. Most Americans will reject this garbage when they understand what it is. But people do elect demagogues -- and any soapbox only serves to fan the flames." The irony, both Black and Hoffman say, is that Black's enemies are often his best promoters.

"It turned out about as well as could be expected," Black said. "Most of our supporters thought it was very biased. But it's as good as it's going to get for network TV."

EVEN IN THE UNRECONSTRUCTED world of 1950s Athens, Alabama, Black's prejudices led him to grow up an outcast. The son of a wealthy real estate developer, Black remembers always being "vaguely concerned" about the civil rights movement, "I thought it was disrupting," he says. He avoided sports and cultural currents like jazz or the likes of Jimi Hendrix. Richard Wagner was more his style. Black was a loner and never had black, Hispanic, or Jewish friends. He once read John Howard Griffin's Black Like Me, a 1961 account of a white man who dyes his skin black. "It was a heart-wrenching thing,"Black says. "He couldn't use the bathroom anywhere. But I didn't believe everything he wrote."

Black's views began to jell at age fifteen. A booklet called "Our Nordic Race" motivated him to write segregationist groups like White Power and Thunderbolt for similar literature. By his sophomore year, he was handing out their race-baiting tabloids at Athens High School. That was the young racist's first taste of controversy. The school board banned the distribution of political pamphlets. So he defied them, launching a mail campaign with addresses from the student handbook.

In 1970, a year later, Black joined the Virginia-based, neo-Nazi National Socialist White People's Party and went to Savannah to help entice Georgians to vote for white supremacist J. B. Stoner as governor. A few weeks later he nearly became a casualty to a conflict between Stoner flacks and the Nazis. Jerry Ray, Stoner's campaign manager and brother of Martin Luther King, Jr.'s killer, James Earl Ray, unpacked a .38-caliber pistol and pumped the teenager with one hollow-pointed bullet in the chest. Black had allegedly broken into Stoner's campaign office to filch records for the Nazis. He doesn't like to talk about the incident now. "The conflict has long since been resolved," is all he'll say. When he recovered, he returned to Alabama and finished high school.

Black sidestepped the draft during the Vietnam Way by enrolling as a political science major at the university of Alabama. He joined the ROTC but was booted out for racism. The budding bigot then found his true milieu: the David Duke-led Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. Black eventually rose to become the leader's right-hand man -- trolling for recruits and helping run his boss' unsuccessful campaign for governor of Louisiana. At age 26 Black sought to mirror Duke's veneer of clean-cut respectability by running for mayor of Birmingham in 1979. He got 2 percent of the vote.

Duke taught Black it's easier to attract supporters by criticizing affirmative action, illegitimate welfare births, and illegal immigration than labeling blacks as inferior or Jews as rich enemies. The goal was to avoid inflammatory remarks and present oneself as dignified -- sticking to the issues. Supremacy is presented as nationalism. And intolerance warps into a preference for one's own heritage. Black says he speaks to Duke, whose two daughters he helped raise, every few days. 'And the mentor has only kind words for his protégée.

"Don is more than a very good friend, he is one of the leading individuals in the white-rights movement," said Duke, who knighted Black grand wizard in 1980. Duke resigned after a rival Klan faction alleged Duke offered to sell membership lists for $35,00. "He's matured over time - - like we all do with age -- into a very calm and stoic individual," Duke says of Black. "He has always been a dedicated individual that's self-sacrificing."

Black gained national notoriety in the spring of 1981 in an impetuous and bungled bid to spark a coup on the 300-square-mile Caribbean island of Dominica. Black and nine other white mercenaries drawn from the ranks of the KKK chartered a 52-foot called the Mañana. The Klansmen plotted to motor 2000 miles from a New Orleans marina, somehow lead disgruntled black soldiers in battle against the island's 70-man police force, and oust the prime minster. The mission - called Operation Red Dog -- was to "secure the island against communist incursion," Black said. But the coup attempt never left port. Mañana's captain, a disabled Vietnam veteran, ratted them out. On the night they planned to embark, federal agents swarmed in on the gaggle of would-be warriors, confiscated eight Bushmaster machine guns, ten shotguns, five rifles, ten handguns, ten pounds of dynamite, 5426 rounds of ammunition, and a large red-and-black Nazi flag. Local newspapers dubbed the botched raid the "Bayou of Pigs."

"What we were doing was in the best interests of the United States and its security in the hemisphere, and we feel betrayed by our own government," Black said shortly before he and three others were sentenced to federal prison for violation of the U.S. Neutrality Act. Investigators charged the ten men -- who were initially to e paid $3000 apiece and installed as government officials overseeing the army -- with seeking to create a drug, gambling, and offshore-banking empire on the island republic of 70,000 people, most of whom are black. More than a decade later, Black now regrets his misadventure. "I wouldn't do it today, even if I had a different plan. It was extremely risky. I could have been killed."

Black returned to Birmingham in 1985, announcing, "I'm here to build the greatest white racist regime this country has ever seen." Shortly after, he quit the Klan (claiming ti too violent) and made another failed run for office as the Populist Party candidate for a U.S. Senate seat in Alabama. In 1987 he was arrested during civil rights demonstrations in Forsyth county, Georgia, for reckless conduct and for illegally blocking a state highway. Later that year Black moved to West Palm Beach with his wife and joined a brokerage firm. He never became a broker. The ex- Klansman was stiff-armed by the Florida brokerage industry, which blocked his application for a license because of his ties to Duke. Despite the lucrative economy, paid-for house, and a bevy of like-minded racists -- the moorings that keep him here -- South Florida is not quite right for Don Black.

"I'm not a Palm Beach type of person," he says. "It's a good place to do business. But it's a fantasy world. I'm not comfortable with most of the people here. I have nothing against them. Most who live here have the power to do something. They just don't want to jeopardize their status."

DEPENDING ON HOW YOU look at it, Florida is shaped like a gun. Its reputation for a trigger-happy populace is about as well known to the world as the late Gianni Versace was. But there's a lesser-known, more subterranean threat of violence that pervades the state from the Panhandle down to the Keys.

Florida has more militias, Klan groups, and patriot groups than any other state, according to the Montgomery-based Southern Poverty Law Center. In 1996 the center counted 72 militias from the 1st Regiment Florida State Militia in Key Largo to the 3rd Regiment in West palm Beach, and 33 KKK groups including Lantana's Fraternal White Knights and the America First Klan in Miami. California, which rates second, has 56 militias and 14 Klan groups. Alabama, by comparison, has 21 militias and 6 Klans.

"In many ways Florida presents the ideal culture for these groups," says mark Potok, a spokesman for the Center's Klanwatch. "Much is due to immigration, government regulation, and a history as part of the Deep South for resenting Northerners."

He cites multiple reasons for the sunshine State's white backlash. One long-standing gripe is the strict regulation of land use. Florida -- with its history of land scams, protected wetlands, and suburban sprawl edging into rural regions -- has often served up a raw deal for poor whites, instead favoring the wealthier transplants from the north or immigrants from the south. And with wealthy Jewish retirees having flooded into previously undeveloped pockets from Miami to Jacksonville, the state has become fertile ground for anti-Semitism, Potok says. "Then there's the organizers like Black, who come in and tell people it's a conspiracy to do them in. That twists it into patriotic Americans versus satanic cabals."

One such proselytized patriot is Paul Wolff, age 74, of lake Worth, who spent World War II fighting Nazi Germany. He me Black about a decade ago at a mutual friend's picnic. Now Wolff calls him "our leader," ask "Permission to speak, Commander?" and compares Black to the "inscrutable and monolithic" Rapa Nui stone statues on Easter Island. Wolff hasn't read his commander's Website but dismisses Nazi relics on Stormfront as mere means "to attract attention." The native New Yorker says he once sang in the Palm Beach Opera and acted as "information officer" for the state's white supremacist Independent Populist Party. He claims Black has as many as 600 Florida supporters through his role as IPP chairman in palm Beach County. And while Wolff is more a codger than a storm trooper, he's convinced mixing the races is unnatural, breeds conflict, and is a prelude to war. "We are a minority on this planet," he said, in between naps on a rickety chair in Black's office. "And if we don't fight for our right to exist, then our fight to give to the grandchildren and the people beyond what we've already fought for-- which took a thousand to two to three thousand years to produce - will leave us with no such thing as the white race."

Florida has always been a lawless place blurred by Disney-like illusions, says jack Moore, an American Studies professor and expert on extremism at the University of South florida in Tampa. "People come here and become caricatures of themselves." Theme parks and rogues combine to generate elaborate fantasies -- ripening the climate for the rites of Klan groups and the conspiracy theories of militias. Another factor, he adds, is just a lot conservative elderly people with too much time on their hands.

To J.D. Alder, the 43-year-old retired imperial wizard of the united Klans of Florida and fifteen- year resident of port St. lucie, whose third annual"White Pride Rally"is the only upcoming event listed on Stormfront, the upcoming struggle will be brought about by rampant immigration and the "Balkanization" of America. "We're just the response to a dangerous situation," he says.

A FRAMED PORTAIT OF infamous civil War Confederate general and first Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan Nathan Bedford Forrest clings to a hook above Black's master computer. The wealthy slave trader turned fearsome cavalry general -- known for saying "War means fightin', and fightin' means killin'" -- glares sternly onto the millenium-ending bedlam of Black's office.

All the jazzy graphics of Stormfront and the buzzing and beeping of the techie plying his trade almost conceal one pertinent fact" Black, like his pugnacious hero and the thousands of other increasingly connected militias and white supremacists, means war. He says he doesn't advocate violence. Yet, he says, it's inevitable.

A link to Stormfront called Civil war II spells out the scenario -- the Yugoslavian future of America. The partition starts with the white flight that comes from excess immigration. Whites flee inner cities and consolidate their power in gerrymandered districts. Immigrants and blacks flood the cities. Then the racial meltdown: Mexicans rise up in the Southwest to reclaim the land the United States seized in 1848. That unleashes the anger and aspirations of blacks and a race war ignites in the South. Ultimately whites carve out, or ethnically cleanse, various regions and plant their new flag.

These sorts of prophecies used to be easily dismissed as the futile longing of a handful of white supremacists. They still are. But, as Black and his critics point out, the Internet makes an increasingly dense community of a formerly disparate far-Right. "The scary thing is he's not just able to concentrate his followers but can now attract young people," the Wiesenthal Center's Rabbi Cooper said. "We should be concerned about tomorrow's Timothy McVeigh emerging and saying, 'Well this turns me on,' or 'I'm really angry about this too.'"

Black ways that McVeigh argument's a red herring. "You can accuse any movement of eliciting the same violence. What about Zionism? What about the violence during the civil rights movement? He also believes the Oklahoma bombing was a covert government operation to discredit militias and to justify further gun-control legislation.

Black doesn't operate in a racist vacuum. As of today more than 50,000 white supremacist compact discs have been sold with titles like Stretched by the Rope, Racial Holy War, and White Terror, according to Resistance Records, a racist music distributor near Detroit. In 1996 the Southern Poverty Law Center counted 858 militia or patriot groups and 241 KKK groups throughout the country. The most foreboding benchmark, however, is the sharp increase in domestic terrorism. Since the Oklahoma City bombing and the emergence of the Internet in 1995, the number of open domestic-terrorism investigations has climbed from fewer than 100 to more than 900, according to the Center.

"The Internet is a real boon to these groups," Potos said. "There is a real threat. I don't see the race war that they want so much. The threat is against individuals. And I think it's entirely likely we'll see another Oklahoma City. It doesn't take much to motivate someone who's been talking about revolution for years. The more people mouth rhetoric, the more likely it is someone will act on it -- and that's' what we're seeing now.

In West Palm Beach a low-flying jet thunders overhead, rattling the Confederate general on the wall. To Black -- whose three-bedroom house is directly under the flight path of Palm Beach International Airport -- the jets are as inaudible as the static sounds of clicking onto the Internet. He doesn't seem to notice the shaking. He's busy bickering with his son, who's barefoot and wearing a long Spiderman t-shirt, playing pinball on a nearby computer.

Black regains his composure. He smooths his uncombed coif and straightens his sweat-stained shirt. Then with a piercing glare and a calm voice, he recites his mission. "We want to take America back," he says, with Stormfront's German-Gothic font glowing on a monitor behind him. "We know a multicultural Yugoslav nation can't hold up for too long. White's won't have any choice but to take military action. It's our children whose interests we have to defend."

David Abel can be reached at dabel@globe.com

Copyright, New Times

A Pedophile, After Prison



By David Abel
8/10/2005


Over the past three decades, by his count, Bill Ilott molested 19 children, some as young as 13.

Police caught the former Army drill sergeant raised in Canton only once, in 1999, and he pleaded guilty to drugging and molesting four children while working as a tutor on Cape Cod.

The former alter boy, who graduated from Xaverian Brothers High School in Westwood, served three years in jail and three years of probation for his crimes, an addiction he likens to alcholism.

Since then, like many other Level 3 sex offenders, a category the state uses to define those with a “high risk” of committing future sex crimes, the 50-year-old with thick, boxy glasses and a master’s degree has been homeless and unsuccessfully searching for a job in Boston.

“I was rescued rather than arrested, rescued from my addictions,” said Ilott, who lives in a city shelter and has desperately sought a job. “Boredom is my biggest killer. I need to use my brain. I think there’s more meant for me in the world than prison. It would be very sad if I ended up going back.”

It’s a fate he arguably deserves.

But the tall, balding man’s plight also presents a problem for the community: Sex offenders without work and housing are more likely to end up back in jail, research shows, often for the same kinds of crimes. A 2000 study cited by the US Justice Department’s Center for Sex Offender Management, for example, found unemployed sex offenders are 37 percent more likely than sex offenders with stable jobs to be convicted of a new crime.

The twin troubles for sex offenders trying to return to mainstream society – homelessness and unemployment – were exacerbated a year ago this August, when the Supreme Judicial Court ruled that the state could post the names, addresses, and photos of Level 3 sex offenders on a public Web site, offenders, social workers, and specialists in the field say. Over the past year, the site (www.mass.gov/sorb), which lists nearly 1,500 Level 3 offenders, has received millions of hits, more than 230,000 just in June, or nearly 8,000 a day.

Of 86 Level 3 offenders listed on the online registry as living in Boston this month, only 29 percent listed having work addresses – though it’s not clear whether they still had jobs – and at least 50 percent of those not in violation of the law listed their home addresses as easily identifiable city homeless shelters, such as the Pine Street Inn and the New England Shelter for Homeless Veterans. The registry didn’t list addresses of 14 sex offenders in violation of the law.

Like the other Level 3 offenders she treats, Ilott’s psychiatrist at the VA Clinic on Causeway Street said she’s “very concerned” about the long-term effects of homelessness and unemployment on her patients – none of whom have jobs and some of whom have been fired in the past year after employers discovered their photos online.

“The less you have to lose, the more you’re willing to squander,” said the psychiatrist, who asked not to be identified because she counsels other sex offenders. “Bill has been very demoralized, and he’s stuck. He can’t get out of where he is unless he gets a job. He’s a guy with a master’s degree who can’t find a job doing very basic stuff, and the question is: What’s keeping him from re-offending? At this point, what does he have to lose?”

STATE OFFICIALS ACKNOWLEDGE the problems of homelessness and unemployment, which affect many ex-cons, but no more than violent criminals such as sex offenders. Last fall, the Executive Office of Public Safety opened eight “reentry centers” throughout Massachusetts, including one in Mattapan, to help sex offenders register in their new communities and other ex-cons find work, housing, and treatment.

The problem, they say, has contributed to the nation’s high recidivism rates: Of about 600,000 inmates leaving jails and prisons around the country, police expect to re-arrest about two-thirds within three years. In Massachusetts, where about 20,000 inmates are released every year, state officials say prosecutors will convict nearly half of another crime in the same time.

“Successful employment and housing are two of the most major barriers to successful reentry,” said Maureen Walsh, chairman of the Massachusetts Parole Board, who noted the state’s new reentry centers have had limited success in helping certain ex-cons find jobs. “There’s no question – it’s absolutely difficult for violent offenders to find work.”

No statistics are available to reflect the impact of the registry on sex offenders.

But even if it has affected their ability to find work and housing, officials at the Massachusetts Sex Offender Registry Board say it’s wrong to blame the law, which requires that the state’s 9,000 sex offenders now out of prison keep their home and work addresses current with police for the rest of their lives. The state now also requires many Level 3 offenders leaving prison to wear electronic ankle bracelets, so officials can monitor their movement.

“The difficulty in finding employment is directly associated by the courts in recent decisions with society's repulsion of these terrible crimes, not the factual posting of that criminal information,” said Charles McDonald, a spokesman for the board. “Any possible adverse consequences that may befall a sex offender must give way to the legitimate concerns of public safety.”

Though he said the board favors Level 3 offenders finding work and housing, McDonald cited a 1994 federal court decision to underscore that the problems sex offenders experience after leaving jail aren’t just the result of having their photos published online: “Individuals may lose their jobs or be foreclosed from serving in future professions; their marriages are destroyed; they may be plunged into poverty .... Virtually all individuals who are convicted of serious crimes suffer humiliation and shame, and many may be ostracized by their communities.”

But even those who strongly support the registry say they worry the system now so isolates the state’s most dangerous sex offenders that it may be more likely they’ll end up back in prison.

Instead of making it more difficult for them to find work and homes, the state should provide more supervision, in some cases life-time parole, counseling, mandatory jail sentences for those who violate current laws, and much longer prison terms for sex offenders who commit future sex crimes, said Laurie Myers, president of Voices of Involved Citizens Encouraging Safety, a Chelmsford-based victims-rights advocacy group.

“Once they’ve done their time, they’ve done their time,” Myers said. “After, they deserve a normal life. If they’re going to return to our communities – and they do – they need jobs and somewhere to live.”

It’s a myth that sex offenders are condemned to repeat their crimes, say advocates and specialists, who note sex offenders are actually less likely than other ex-cons to be arrested for another crime.

A 2003 study released by the US Justice Department’s Bureau of Justice Statistics found little more than 5 percent of sex offenders had been rearrested for another sex crime within three years of leaving prison – a number, however, that doesn’t reflect the many victims who, because of shame or fear, don’t report the crimes. Still, overall, the study found sex offenders are 25 percent less likely than other non-sex offenders to be rearrested for any crime.

Because sustained counseling and a conviction to return to a normal life can succeed, some criminologists say the state must do more to put sex offenders on a better path, one that doesn’t involve unemployment and homelessness.

“The question is: Are we pushing them back into a life of crime, are we helping produce monsters?” said Jack Levin, director of the Brudnick Center on Violence and Conflict at Northeastern University. “It’s in our benefit to treat them in a humane way. Otherwise, their suffering will become our suffering.”

Levin – who argues the online registry does little more than make the community feel safe – says the state should do significantly more to help first-time offenders. But once sex offenders strike again, he says, they should be jailed for life.

“The rule for habitual rapists and child molesters should be: Two strikes and you're never out again,” he wrote in a recent essay in the Globe.

STROKING THE VIRGIN MARY AMULET dangling from his neck, Bill Ilott says he understands the consequences of his actions – that he has caused untold pain to his victims – and agrees with society’s efforts to keep close tabs on sex offenders.

Like most pedophiles, Ilott hasn’t sought publicity, and he wrestled with whether to speak on the record. A gap-toothed man with a sharp wit and contagious laugh, he agreed because, after three years searching for a job and living in city shelters, he has nothing to lose, he says. He also wants policymakers to understand the challenges he and other sex offenders face while trying to resume lives as law-abiding, tax-paying state residents.

The most immediate obstacle has been overcoming the desire to have sex with boys, which for him and other pedophiles is an impulse as strong as the biological drive of any adult who longs for sex. He compares the challenge to maintaining a diet during a Thanksgiving dinner. The best solution – in addition to therapy and the mood-controlling lithium he takes everyday now – is avoiding boys without supervision, a dangerous situation that he says makes his knees weak.

“It’s a biological urge you can’t will away – it’s with you forever,” Ilott said during an interview in the cramped room where he’s staying at the St. Francis House. “I’ve thought about the desire like an alcoholic thinks about a drink.”

His psychiatrist says as much as Ilott and other sex offenders may understand the pain their crimes have caused, they have “empathy switches” they can turn off. But sustained therapy can significantly reduce that likelihood – six times more than for those who don’t receive treatment, she says.

“They suffer from a sexual disorder, in which their object of desire is abnormal,” she said. “The balance from keeping him re-offending is controlling the drive and having good reasons not to re-offend.”

Finding such reasons can be the biggest challenge, particularly when returning to prison guarantees a roof over a sex offender’s head, a bed, regular meals, even their laundry done for them.

It’s not just the stigma of their crimes that keep them from finding work; parole requirements bar most Level 3 offenders from holding nearly any service-oriented job where they might interact with the public.

Jobs at anywhere from McDonald’s to CVS, for example, are off-limits because sex offenders may be in close proximity to children. So are positions as a waiter, security guard, taxi driver, or working at a hospital, school, university, or anywhere near a day-care center. Moreover, their odds of landing a job plummet with any employer who does a criminal-record check.

FOR ILOTT, A 10-YEAR ARMY VETERAN whose resume boasts a master’s in public administration and a bachelor’s in social work from Georgia State University in Atlanta, the limited prospects have forced him to use his body as a test subject. He says he has undergone 7 MRI scans for cash.

Over the past three years, Ilott says he has filled out hundreds of applications for jobs and has made it through several interviews. But most of the time, as soon as the employer learned of his past, he was shown the door.

“People like to present themselves in a most favorable light, but saying you’re a pedophile is not a very endearing thing,” he said. “When you know how people are going to act, you don’t even want to dress up and go to an interview.”

Ilott was hired for a few jobs, but they didn’t last long.

The day he started a position at a telemarketing firm in Somerville, someone posted a clip from a local newspaper about where Level 3 offenders in the area lived, he says. He left a few days later. One job lasted just an hour and 10 minutes. Hired as a bookkeeper for a drug rehabilitation clinic in Brookline, he lost the job after he informed local police of his new work address. An officer at the station told him, “I’m going to call your employer and plaster your picture all over the place,” he said.

When Ilott succeed in landing an interview for a job as a case manager at a substance-abuse program in Boston, he found himself sitting in a room full of children’s toys. “As soon as we learned about his background, there was no way he could work for us,” said Loretta Leverett, operations manager of the STEP Program, who interviewed Ilott. “By law, we’re unable to hire anyone with his background.”

What Ilott really wants to do is help educate people about sex offenders, which he has done twice at seminars for officers at the Boston Police Department.

Sergeant Detective Kim Gaddy, who organized the seminars for rape investigators, said she has no sympathy for Ilott’s crimes, but she described him as “forthright” about his addiction and “genuine” about wanting to do something positive.

“We want to protect the public as much as possible, but it doesn’t help when he meets opposition at every corner and constantly confronts negativity,” she said. “Either keep him in jail or give him an opportunity to be a productive citizen – you can’t have it both ways. It’s commonsense that sex offenders will likely re-offend without jobs.”

For now, with only a can of pennies to his name, Ilott’s future is hazy.

Officials at the St. Francis House have told him he’ll soon have to leave his “transitional housing” there, he said, because since Jan. 1 he hasn’t paid the $60 a week they require of residents. Without much hope for a job – he often spends several hours a day searching and applying for jobs he finds posted online, he says – he’s not sure what to do.

“I’d much prefer every employer know I’m a sex offender, but that’s not always a real option,” he said. “There’s too much of a stigma.”

So he says he sees only two unappealing options: omit parts of his background, or lie.

David Abel can be reached at dabel@globe.com.



The Gentle Enforcer

Yes, He Helps Old Ladies, Too


By David Abel
Globe Staff
3/30/2003

Every cop suffers his own indignities.

Peeling drunken men off sidewalks. Chasing thugs through crowded streets. Even helping an old, incontinent woman change her soiled sheets.

Some cops let it get to them. Too many violent nuts, too many insults, too many petty crimes not worth their time. Eventually they end up behind a desk, pushing papers in some musty precinct.

Not the man dispatchers call Alpha 633.

At 61, and one of the city's oldest cops still walking a beat, Officer J.J. O'Malley has become a one-man strike force, a veteran of the roughest streets who has his own definition of preemptive action. In a time of war, with security heightened at home, the short, stocky man in the blue polyester uniform disarms would-be wrongdoers - his way, without handcuffs.

"I just give them a pat on the back, you know, talk to them a bit, and maybe ask, `You're not a funny guy, are you?' " says O'Malley, who prefers not to make arrests. "I can be assertive. But I want people to respect me for me, not for my gun and walkie-talkie. There are enough bad guys out there, you don't have to be aggressive with everyone."

Over the past three decades, ever since the city fashioned the area into a pedestrian mall, the patrolman has become known as the mayor of Downtown Crossing. Chatty but vigilant, he keeps a close watch on the tens of thousands of people passing through daily, bonding with everyone from local lawyers to the homeless to tourists. With Police Commissioner Paul Evans urging 100 officers to leave the force on voluntary retirement to avoid broad layoffs, it's unclear how much longer Alpha 633 will be on the beat.

Long a fixture on the evening commute, O'Malley seems to know nearly everyone, as well as their business. There's the aging prostitute with AIDS who robs her clients. The priest who plays the lottery and takes strolls around midnight. The 22-year-old who recently opened a high-priced hair salon, the Vietnamese guy who loves basketball, and the old man who makes crank calls from a men's room in Filene's.

After roll call one afternoon, he steers his cruiser through the neighborhood and parks it where he always does, just off the corner of Summer and Washington streets.

It's a few minutes after 4, the time he's started work for the past 18 years, when he spots a homeless man in a jewelry store. O'Malley approaches the man, smiles, and quips: "What are you doing, buying a new watch?"

The man laughs nervously, and before bolting, says defensively, "Nope, I'm just gonna go to the shelter early tonight."

Over the course of an average night, he'll respond to calls for burglar alarms and men passed out from guzzling Listerine. He'll also walk a blind 80-year-old woman home, escort the Cape Verdean manager of a fruit stand to her bank, advise the 19-year-old manager of a card store about the ills of smoking, and track down a phonebook to provide directions to lost South Korean tourists.

"He's the people's cop," says Sheila Jordan, a sales clerk at Tello's clothing store who has known O'Malley since he began the beat in 1979. "You ask some officers for help, and they won't do anything. To him, everything's important. He does things he doesn't have to do. That's why people respect him."

The list of his admirers includes the homeless who've been on the streets for years and hustlers whom he and his colleagues have spent months trying to bust.

Near dusk he spots Dennis Gaskell, who spent 12 years on the streets of Downtown Crossing. The recovering alcoholic now drives a Cadillac and helps run the shelter where he used to sleep. "He would pour out our liquor and we wouldn't like it," he says. "But he always treated us respectfully, like human beings. Something you don't get from most cops."

Then there's Andre, the 21-year-old guy in flashy clothes, who for hours every day holds court on the corner by Bath & Body Works. Scores of young pals slap his hand, talk about music, and loaf around with him until dark. Through large bifocals, O'Malley watches Andre and says, "I'm sure he's up to no good."

But the man with the black clip-on tie and pointy blue hat takes a different approach from other cops, who've already hauled Andre into the precinct for suspicious behavior. O'Malley jokes with him and his friends, prompting laughs from one large man with a wild Afro when he tells him: "Get a haircut, man."

"I call him 'Officer Friendly,' " says Andre, who insists he's just hanging out in what he calls the "most entertaining part of Boston." "You could say he's like a role model. He's always taking care of the public. You've gotta admire that."
The amiable approach also works, even if O'Malley's not the only reason for the drop in crime.

Since he started commuting from his Lower Mills four-bedroom home, the number of violent crimes in Downtown Crossing has dropped by two-thirds, according to police statistics, and property crimes fell even more. Last year, for example, only 19 vehicles were either stolen or had such attempts made on them, while in 1979 there were 298. In the same time, the number of robberies and attempted robberies dropped from 221 to 46.

With rush hour past, most of the pushcarts gone, and the streets increasingly empty, he laments: "It used to be there was always something going on with all the clubs, pickpockets, and unruly people. Now, I have to check to see if my walkie-talkie's on at night."

Things have changed over the years. He gets half the 16 or so calls he used to receive on an average night, stopping in a bar for a beer is no longer allowed, and his bosses press him to wear a bulletproof vest and carry a gas mask in his cruiser, neither of which he bothers with.

He doesn't lament all the changes, of course.

For one, his pay has improved, from $118 a week when he started on the force 34 years ago to his current weekly salary of $953. Then there are all the friends, like the woman from the Chinese takeout kitchen who flags O'Malley over around dinnertime. Before he walks in, she heaps a generous serving of lo mein, chicken, and fried rice into a takeout box.

The cop can't resist. "They want to give me something," he says, stowing the food in a booth where he stays when it snows or rains. "If I don't take it, I insult her. And the truth is, I don't mind it."

Despite the many changes - the influx of well-to-do residents and chic restaurants, the new brick walkways and improved lighting, the flourishing of chain stores - the job's original lure remains: the great mulligatawny that makes Downtown Crossing.

In addition to cornerstones like the 203-year-old Stoddard's cutlery shop, the 164-year-old E.B. Horn jewelry store, and the 128-year-old recently refurbished Locke-Ober restaurant, the neighborhood's stew now includes more college students, living in newly built dorms. New high-rises sprout, like the Ritz-Carlton, as well as the new multiplex movie theater off Tremont Street.

"With all the change, it's nice to know something hasn't - that Jim O'Malley is still here," says Karl Vulker, who owns the Winter Street Lottery and has known the officer for 15 years. "He's always here for us, always keeping an eye on things."
That will change, perhaps all too soon.

The aging officer, by department rules, will have to turn in his badge in 3 1/2 years - if he resists the current voluntary retirement pressure. It might be nice to spend more time with his wife, and a grandson recently born to one of his three grown children, but it's a day he isn't anticipating.

Gazing at the golden dome of the State House, with a full moon rising and the late crowd making its way downtown, he inhales, taking in the strangely comforting chaos of the night.

"I don't really consider this work, and sometimes, I think, I can't believe they're paying me for this," he says. "Just look at all these people passing by. These are good people. They've all been places I've never been, and if you open up, you learn things. For me, I think this makes an interesting life."

He waves and jokes with an old friend, offers directions to a stranger, and eventually brings a homeless man to a shelter, persuading officials there to let the man enter, even though he'd been barred for some reason.

Nearly everyone he meets leaves with a smile.

Around midnight, with rats scurrying through the streets and the garbage trucks making the rounds, O'Malley climbs into his cruiser. He takes the long way back to the station, slowing as he passes the darkest alleys.

David Abel can be reached at dabel@globe.com.

Copyright, The Boston Globe


The Dragnet Shuffle

By David Abel
Globe Staff
8/24/2000

PROVINCETOWN - It takes a certain kind of cop, one with the right mix of chutzpah and charisma, to control the chaos of this rambunctious town.

Patrolman Donald J. Thomas doesn't carry bullets in his revolver, refuses to issue tickets to scofflaws, and has passed the usual retirement age by seven years. But this 72-year-old officer has kept would-be miscreants in line for the past 42 years with a different kind of weapon, a device more disarming than deadly.

Call it the dragnet shuffle.

Thomas is a traffic cop. His job is to ensure that the welter of motorists, bicyclists, skateboarders, and pedestrians don't tie up Provincetown's busiest intersection, Lopes Square, the corner of Commercial and Standish streets.

Between 11 a.m. and 7 p.m., from Memorial Day through Labor Day, rain or shine, the grizzled officer in dark glasses fights gridlock with a certain panache, a sashay, a swift spin, a whistle blow, and a gruff, "Move it!"

"Ain't nothing hard to me about this job," he said on a recent weekend while fighting the deluge of everything from motorcycles to minivans. "I just like it. This is my corner. It can get pretty nutty though."

Thomas is something of a legend in Provincetown, a place where it can be difficult to stand out. Here, locals frequently redefine their gender and push the limits of the human genome in everything from the color of their hair to the shape of their bodies.

Yet, Thomas's claim to local fame derives as much from his endurance as his flamboyance. He has been on the town's traffic beat since the Eisenhower administration, as far back as 1958. And he's become such a fixture in the community that a postcard at some tourist shops features him next to the Pilgrim Monument.

When the skies grow gray over Cape Cod and beachgoers flood into town for the afternoon, Thomas is in peak form, charming crowds of pedestrians to the point where they prefer to snap photos or capture his dance on video than venture into the clogged streets.

"They just line up on the sidewalk to watch him," said John Brown, a bouncer standing in front of Governor Bradford's bar and restaurant who for the past 29 years has watched Thomas's show. "People don't obey the younger traffic cops. But when he tells someone to stay on the curb, they do. In many ways he's also a storybook type of cop. He helps old ladies cross the street, gives young kids advice, and helps anyone out with directions."

While most look affectionately at "the dancing cop," as he's known, at least one local complained that she can't stand Thomas's shtick.

"After all these years, I still think he looks funny," said a clerk in a shop off Commercial Street who wouldn't give her name. "He does the opposite of what he's supposed to - he holds up traffic."

One of Thomas's bosses at the Provincetown Police Department, Staff Sergeant Allan Souza, takes exception to any criticism of his most seasoned officer. When Thomas isn't on one of his daily breaks for tea at Adams Pharmacy or on a walk along the pier, Souza maintains, he's the most effective traffic cop on the force, even if he hasn't made an arrest or issued a ticket in the past four decades.

"Donald may have more leeway than other cops on the force," Souza said, "but nobody doubts that he gets the job done. A lot of the younger guys don't want to be doing traffic. They think it's beneath them. But that's why he's here. He loves it."

Thomas has lived his whole life in Provincetown, driving a fishing truck and doing other odd jobs when not battling traffic or spending time with his grandkids. Marian Goveia, 72, who went to high school with him, said, "Everyone has always known him for one thing: He's just a damned nice guy."

During a break from his duties, Thomas pined for the good old days when Provincetown was more tranquil, affordable, and less commercialized. Back then, fewer aggressive drivers had license plates from New York or Texas, and he jokingly recalls that "the biggest vehicles on the road were horse and buggies," not the monster sport-utility vehicles that barely fit on the town's narrow streets.

Still, the vehicles don't bother him as much as the myriad bicyclists. "They have no brains," he said, "They go wherever they want. If I have one pet peeve, it's bicyclists. I wish to hell a law would ban them."

The wizened cop, however, is anything but cynical or grouchy. His coarse language and glib commentary is regularly lightened by humor. And any burst of anger at impatient pedestrians or defiant drivers is quickly tempered by his graceful, well-rehearsed two-step.

"People used to listen more than they do," he said. "But I get them to listen to me. I don't give them much choice."

David Abel can be reached at dabel@globe.com.

Copyright, The Boston Globe

The Svengali of Success

To Legions of Adoring Fans, Anthony Robbins Preaches the Gospel

By David Abel
Globe Staff
7/31/2000

Lantern jaw to dumbbell shoulders, he's chiseled like a model. He emotes with weepy personal anecdotes and uplifting homilies. And fans adore him for a nearly transcendent intensity that bridges salesmanship and salvation.

He's Anthony Robbins, late-night infomercial king, maven of motivational speaking, celebrity of the self-help book industry, and when he strides onstage at the FleetCenter it takes little more than the sparkle of his toothy smile to wow the crowd of 12,000. Accompanied by thumping rap music and scantily clad dancers, his 6-foot-7-inch frame encased in a sleek black suit and gold tie, he winks and blows kisses in an event that feels like a cross between a
rock concert and a religious awakening.

"Wake up! Wake up!" he shouts through a microphone fixed to his boxy head. "You're the most passionate person you know, the most aerobic, the most sexy. . . . "

No matter how trite or treacly his prescriptions for lifelong happiness, Robbins, 40, attracts crowds like the recent one in Boston wherever he goes.

The author of such seize-the-day tomes as "Awaken the Giant Within: How to Take Immediate Control of Your Mental, Emotional, Physical and Financial Destiny!," Robbins has been on the motivation circuit since age 18, pumping up everyone from Bill Clinton to Andre Agassi with his live-with-passion mantra. In the past 22 years, he claims to have "coached" more than 2 million people.

"I believe in everything he says," says Steve Howe, 46, a salesman from Whitman, after massaging his boss's back on Robbins's cue. "What he says is just so true. He tells you, `You can do anything, as long as you set your mind to it.' "

While Robbins may seem to cast a spell on his audience, his message is more corporate than cultlike, with slogans like "Success without fulfillment is failure," "The secret to living is giving," and "Cultivate an attitude of gratitude."

This approach can help people by instilling a measure of hope, psychologists say, but could backfire with the weak-minded and impressionable. "The problem is in the overly simplistic interpretation by the listener," says Sanford Portnoy, president of the Massachusetts Psychological Association. "The risk is it won't work, and listeners will experience failure. Other people also might overidentify with such figures, and they won't think about how the philosophy applies to themselves."

As Robbins lumbers from one motivation session to another at the FleetCenter, fans rush at him with requests for hugs and beg him to pose for photos. Between orders to his publicist and bodyguard, Robbins complies just before slipping into a back corridor.

A skeptical reporter follows. "Aren't you little more than a modern-day quack, a guy hawking simplistic solutions to lifelong problems?" he asks.

Robbins, visibly rankled, yields to a little unscripted emotion and dismisses the query as "uneducated" blather from "some jerk who never took a risk."
Then he recycles an anecdote he's been telling for years, the one about the film critic who feels free to pan a movie, though he has never made one himself.
In this case, Robbins is particularly appalled that a writer nearly kept him from seeing "Gladiator."

"It takes no energy to be a critic," he rails.

And although the promotional literature for his conferences, audiotapes, and books promises to "empower anyone who attends with the proven tools they need to achieve measurable and lasting results in their lives," Robbins insists he merely offers hope and prods people to find their own answers.

"I tell them what's possible and how to produce results," he says over the din of dance music blaring in his dressing room. "I don't come from a place as an authority. I just try to be a catalyst."

But do those who come to be coached expect more from Robbins than "the seven-day emotional fitness challenge" and axiomatic antidotes, such as "The Secret to Relationships Is the Power of Proximity"? Do they seek the tools, say, to score a house like Robbins's $5.8 million mansion in Southern California?

Perhaps they want the resilience Robbins touts in his own life story, a tale of a teenager evicted from his home who never went to college yet became a self-made millionaire.

The task for Day 1 of his "emotional fitness challenge" is to maximize "hunger and drive." Wake up, Robbins says, and ask yourself a few simple questions: "What would it mean to feel a compelling hunger and drive for my life? What does someone who is driven believe about life? What does someone who is hungry and driven look like?" Remember, he stresses, to be in "a peak performance state as you fully associate to each emotion."

Somehow, though, it all works for Robbins's fans.

At motivation extravaganzas like "Results2000" earlier this month in Boston, Robbins's devotees praise him for helping them lose weight or quit smoking, recommit to relationships, or make lots of money.

"There is such an aura about him," says Vinnie Digiacomo, 30, a video store manager from Holbrook. "Everyone here just gets it. He pumps you up and refreshes your batteries."

"He's just awesome," says Donna Link, 35, an East Hampton saleswoman for a financial-services company. "He really inspired me to be a better person. I'm just more positive and outgoing. Also, he's really good-looking."

"His `outstanding philosophy' pushes people over the edge," says Elaine Johnson, 51, an e-commerce consultant from Worcester. "The more I hear, the more I get fed, the more I can give to other people."

The reason people buy his books and flock to his seminars, Robbins says, is that he offers "strategies" to attain happiness. He presents himself as the proof, lacing his pitch with anecdotes of his pals, the country's top plastic surgeon and the millionaire movie producer, and of his own boundless bliss.

At 40, he's not having a midlife crisis, he assures his fans. In fact, Robbins says, he's in the midst of a "midlife celebration." But even if he were down, it's unlikely he'd let on. His chief product is happiness, and the salesman cannot be somber.
"It might be hard to believe," he tells a lunchtime crowd in Boston, "but I'm enjoying my life more than ever before."


David Abel can be reached at dabel@globe.com.

Copyright, The Boston Globe

Atoning for Advancing Terror

By David Abel
Globe Staff
10/17/2001

WASHINGTON - Over the past week, Ken Alibek has glimpsed the terrifying possibility that it may be too late to right his wrongs.

The chain-smoking micro biologist spent most of his life in remote, heavily guarded compounds secretly developing some of the most heinous weapons known, including his signature creation: the world's most deadly strain of anthrax.

Before the CIA helped him defect to the United States in 1992, Alibek was known as Dr. Kanatjan Alibekov, the first deputy chief of research and production for the Soviet Union's massive effort to achieve supremacy in bio weapons. And over the past decade, the 50-year-old from Kazakhstan has sought to redeem his years of building weapons of mass destruction.

Now, as the number of anthrax cases in the United States slowly mounts, Alibek is calling on Congress to establish a central biological warfare agency and to launch an effort like the Manhattan Project to quickly bolster the nation's ability to defend against bio weapons.

He has become a leading voice for a controversial approach to defending against biological attacks: focusing more on building immunity than producing vaccines.

"This is the way for me to contribute now," he said a few days ago after testifying at a congressional hearing on bioterrorism that was interrupted by the latest reports of anthrax poisoning. "I used to do work to kill people; today I'm trying to save lives."

Alibek is trying to persuade policy makers to focus on finding ways to beef up non specific immunity, a generic defense that would enable the immune system to defeat, or at least temporarily hold off, a broad array of bioweapons. It's possible, he says, that in the event of an attack, hormones inhaled or injected could quickly fortify the immune system against many different pathogens.

Among scientists, his is an outside view. Many of his peers question whether medical research is capable of making people immune to such a wide variety of threats.

Alibek acknowledges that much research is necessary before such a defense could become reliable. But with the right resources and talent, he says, it might only take a year or two for the United States to develop the knowledge.

"There is nothing fantastic in this approach," Alibek said. "We have already proven that this can work in animals."

Much of his work is now dedicated to nonspecific immunity. Alibek is president of Advanced Biosystems of Virginia, a small biotechnology company that has received several million dollars in government contracts to research the idea.

"It is a long shot, but everything I know about biological weapons tells me that this is far more promising than attempts to rig office buildings and public monuments with detection devices or to stockpile vaccines," Alibek wrote in "Biohazard," a book he published in 1999 about his work and his flight from the Soviet Union.

But some top scientists and others who have studied biological weapons are not nearly as optimistic.

"My knowledge says there's no way to modulate the immune system, but if there's a way to do that, all the power to Mr. Alibek," said John Mekalanos, chairman of the microbiology and molecular genetics department at Harvard Medical School.

Jeanne Guillemin, a senior fellow at the Security Studies Program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and author of "Anthrax: The Investigation of a Deadly Outbreak," said that Alibek's ideas are appealing, but impractical.

"The problems of the immune system are tremendously complicated, and they can't be solved with a magic bullet," she said. "In our desperation, we want easy solutions. But . . . if his ideas were worth pursuing, why wouldn't they have been already pursued further in broader science?"

Alibek graduated near the top of his class at the military medical institute at Tomsk, where he specialized in epidemi ology. While in medical school, Soviet officials recruited him to work for Biopreparat, the clandestine biological weapons program. By age 31, Alibek became the acting director of the Omutninsk bioweapons- production plant, a major facility in the Kirov region of Russia.

By 1989 - two decades after the US bioweapons program had shut down to comply with the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention, which the Soviets signed along with 140 countries - Alibek had developed the world's most dangerous strain of anthrax, a weapon four times more virulent than the existing one.

Alibek's ideas do have their supporters.

"In some circles, there is resentment of Ken because they question his credentials," said Amy Smithson, director of the Chemical and Biological Weapons Nonproliferation Project at the Henry L. Stimsom Center in Washington. "I'm not a micro biologist, but there are many in and out of government who think his approach makes good sense. Ken thinks beyond the obvious. . . . This kind of `out-there thinking' is what got us to the moon."

Nearly a decade after arriving in the United States, Alibek has never returned to Russia. He fled his homeland after deciding that politicians were lying to him and that the United States was not also producing bioweapons. In Russia, he is still considered an enemy of the state for his defection.

Sitting on a park bench outside the Capitol, he talked about his four children and their future in his adopted country. He worries about what may happen as the war against terrorism proceeds, but he's confident he's doing what he can to help.

"I cannot unmake the weapons I manufactured or undo the research I authorized . . . but every day I do what I can to mitigate their effects," he wrote at the end of "Biohazard." "This is my way of honoring the medical oath I betrayed so many years ago."

David Abel can be reached by email at dabel@globe.com.


Copyright, The Boston Globe

Making a Terrorism Czar

Conservative Side Showed in Youth













By David Abel
Globe Staff
3/29/2004

The short-haired young man in the three-piece suit, standing before a sea of longhaired classmates in the Boston Latin School of the late '60s, knew exactly what he wanted to do.

One of the select students who made it to Latin, where he wowed classmates with his smooth speeches and nuanced arguments, Richard A. Clarke wanted to work for the government, as he once put it, to answer President John F. Kennedy's call for his generation to serve the country.

"It's never been my intent to do anything else," he told his alma mater's alumni magazine two years ago.

But Clarke, the former White House terrorism czar who is now at the heart of a political uproar over his accusation that President Bush paid too little attention to terrorism until it was too late, never saw himself as partisan. After serving Republican and Democratic administrations over 30 years in government, he said in the interview with the alumni magazine: "I don't get attacked by Republicans or Democrats. I think everybody realizes that I'm not a horrible creature, and I'm not a partisan figure."

But now, Republicans are picking over his past, seeking to discredit the 53-year-old native of Lower Mills as he argues that Bush and his aides came into office with a sluggish response to the Al Qaeda terrorist network and too eagerly sought to connect Iraq with the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. They have cast him as a self-promoter trying to hawk his book, "Against All Enemies," a disgruntled employee kept out of high-level meetings, and a supporter of Senator John F. Kerry, the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee.

Clarke's publicist declined to make him available for an interview.

Former classmates, many of whom have kept in touch with him well after the lanky carrot top and star debater in the forensics society left Boston, say that if anything, Clarke's politics lean to the conservative side. They described the young man as a serious student who impressed teachers, a careful researcher who trounced opponents in debates, and a budding Republican who argued in the late '60s, as the Vietnam War grew increasingly unpopular, that the United States should spend more money on military foreign aid.

"He was fiercely conservative at a time when just about everyone in Boston was a Democrat," said Larry DiCara, the former president of the Boston City Council who graduated from Boston Latin in 1967, a year before Clarke. "In a city and at a school where most everyone thought of themselves as a Democrat, he didn't. I'm amazed he worked for [President] Clinton."

An only child who lost his father at a young age and whose mother supported him on her nurse's salary, Clarke stood out as a bright pupil at Charles H. Taylor School in Mattapan.

He received admission to Boston Latin in seventh grade, and over the years, he won accolades, wrote for the school newspaper, attended forums on world politics, and spent school vacations and countless other hours preparing for debates, in which he often took conservative positions, his friends said.

"I would swear he was a Republican," said Arnie Waters, a dealer in rare coins who competed with Clarke on the debating team. "There was a lot of motherhood, apple pie, and the American flag. But it seemed he wanted to go into government because he thought it was something one ought to do, not for politics."

After serving under six presidents, Clarke told the alumni magazine in 2002: "For me, it doesn't really matter whether the president is a Republican or a Democrat. I work for the president, if the president wants me to work for him."

Clarke, who is unmarried and lives in the Virginia suburbs of Washington, D.C., has long received plaudits as a diligent, highly effective bureaucrat with equal regard on both sides of the aisle.

He has said he was a registered Republican, but in recent years has been unenrolled. An admirer of former Republican Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush, Clarke seemed especially impressed with Bill Clinton, whose analytical command of the issues rivaled his own.

"Clinton sought to hold every issue before him like a Rubik's Cube, examining it from every angle to the point of distraction for his staff," Clarke wrote admiringly, later saying he often wondered how different the world would be if Clinton, not Bush, had been president on Sept. 11, 2001.

Like Clinton, Clarke had been a young policy wonk, a precocious student educated and analytical beyond his years, according to his Boston friends.

"He was the only kid on the MBTA reading Foreign Affairs and the Congressional Record," said Boston Phoenix editor Peter Kadzis, who often rode with Clarke to school and thought of him as a Republican in the tradition of former New York governor Nelson Rockefeller, a liberal on domestic issues and a conservative on foreign affairs. "He was obsessed with politics, fascinated with foreign affairs, and deeply interested in history. But he struck me as more interested in policy specifics than ideology."

As a senior, Clarke won scholarship money to attend the University of Pennsylvania, but even with that, plans to work in Philadelphia, and the money earned by his mother, he did not have enough. A history teacher at Boston Latin paid for Clarke's train ticket to visit the university and a local real-estate developer, who took the young man under his wing, helped Clarke make ends meet in his four years at Penn.

Clarke began his government career in 1973, as a nuclear weapons analyst in the Office of the Secretary of Defense. Five years later, he earned a master's degree at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He went on to become deputy assistant secretary of state for intelligence in the Reagan administration, and served on the National Security Council for the past three presidents.

In 1998, Clinton appointed Clarke as the nation's counterterrorism chief and he continued in that position through the Bush administration, until last March.

Now, with his critical testimony last week before the independent commission investigating the Sept. 11 attacks, his dramatic apology to the families of the attacks' victims, and his book rocketing to the top of the bestseller lists, Clarke is at the center of a Washington firestorm.

On Friday, Republican senators sought to declassify earlier testimony by Clarke that they said contradicted his criticism of Bush. In Boston, the FBI has rebutted the assertion in his book that Al Qaeda operatives sneaked into the city as stowaways on an Algerian liquefied natural gas tanker.

But he retains the respect of many who knew him growing up. Last year, the Latin School named him its "distinguished graduate of the year."

"I would say he has lived up to everyone's expectations," said David Weiner, head of Boston Latin School Association.

For many of his friends, the expectation was that Clarke would always stand up for his convictions, living up to the quote by the Italian poet Dante that he used in his high school yearbook: "The hottest places in hell are reserved for those, who in a time of great crisis, maintain their neutrality."


David Abel can be reached at dabel@globe.com.

Copyright, The Boston Globe

Long Path to Freedom

David Abel
The Christian Science Monitor

NEW ORLEANS - The dreams seem just as real now as the recurring visions of freedom that slipped into his sleep during the 30 years he spent in a Louisiana prison for a crime he says he did not commit.

Instead of liberating, the dreams are terrifying.

Hayes Williams, the former inmate whose jail-house lawsuit forced Louisiana to overhaul its prison system, is haunted by nightmares of coiled razor wire and steel doors that only open with guard approval.

"I wake up sometimes, look around, and say, 'I'm glad that was a dream,' " Mr. Williams says from his fiance's home in New Orleans. "It makes you understand the value of freedom."

Williams lost his freedom at age 19, after pleading guilty to taking part in the 1967 murder of a New Orleans gas-station owner. He was charged with second-degree murder after an argument escalated into a gun battle.

Williams claims he wasn't involved, but pleaded guilty after his lawyer told him he would do no more than 10-1/2 years in prison and would avoid the electric chair.

So with no previous criminal record, Williams was sent to the notorious Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola to serve his sentence with some of the state's most violent criminals.

Williams won back his freedom in May when a federal judge, taking into consideration a 1997 state court ruling that found prosecutors withheld evidence from his initial trial, ruled he should be given time served for charges stemming from an escape attempt.

The two other men connected to the killing had also been set free. The triggerman was released in 1988 after a pardon by then-Gov. Edwin Edwards. The other was set free in 1993 when a judge similarly ruled that prosecutors withheld evidence.

What took so long for Williams to be released?

"He cost the state millions of dollars and years of federal scrutiny," says his new, pro bono lawyer A.F. "Sonny" Armond. "The state wasn't happy about Hayes's lawsuit."

The prison Williams left is far different from the one he entered. That's due in large part to his complaints. In 1971, he took the state to court, charging that living conditions in Angola violated the Eighth Amendment's ban on cruel and unusual punishment.

Significant reforms, including federal supervision and an allotment of more than $ 400 million, came after a federal judge wrote that conditions at the prison would "shock the conscience of any right-thinking person."

One of his most ardent supporters, New Orleans psychiatrist Ellen McKenzie, believes the state of Louisiana owes Williams something.

"There was a miscarriage of justice. Something should be done about that."

Copyright, Christian Science Monitor

A Regal Newsman

By David Abel
Globe Staff
3/11/2001

HOLYOKE - He was blunt but sympathetic, a Republican who was in many ways a liberal, a newsman described as exuding an air of noblesse oblige, a businessman who didn't care much for the bottom line, and a man born into the Depression who survived wounds in Korea and who lived quixotically.

But what William Dwight, newspaper publisher, entrepreneur, and unofficial mayor of Holyoke, may be remembered for most was his roaring laugh.

So when his son, Bill Dwight, spoke of his late father yesterday afternoon at a packed funeral service in St. Paul's Episcopal Church in the center of Holyoke, he avoided folksy homilies and asked the friends and family in attendance to forgo the traditional moment of silence. Instead, he asked the well-wishers to send off the 71-year-old former Marine, publisher of the local Transcrpt-Telegram newspaper, and restaurateur with a standing ovation and a booming round of applause.

"The deafening absence of my father's laugh at my funniest lines is more silence than I can handle right now," his son said. "I think he would prefer noise anyway. A lot of it."

Dwight, who died Monday from heart disease, was the grandson of William G. Dwight, who founded what was then the Holyoke Transcript in 1881. A year after graduating from Princeton University in 1951, he was wounded as a Marine Corps platoon commander while defending a small area of the 38th parallel in Korea.

It didn't take long after that for Dwight to enter the family business. While he dabbled in politics, working as an aide to Congressman Silvio Conte, he made his way up the ranks at the Transcript-Telegram, working as a reporter, editor, and eventually publisher.

But his tenure at the top of his family's small newspaper didn't last long. Dwight had a different take on the news from his father, William Dwight Sr., and he wasn't afraid to assert his views. After about five years, Dwight Sr. had had enough and he asked his son to resign. A man who rarely had trouble acknowledging his flaws, the burly son was candid about his experience as publisher.

"They [the board] said, `Don't tell anyone you were terminated; save face,' " he told a reporter at his newspaper shortly afterward. "Well, I'm not the least bit ashamed. One thing I'd like to tell the people at the T-T is that I did not go willingly. I'm not about to say I'm perfect; I know I made mistakes. But I did not go out with my head hanging down, and it still doesn't hang down."

After leaving the Transcript-Telegram, he decided to do something he always wanted to do: He opened a restaurant in Holyoke. He ran the Golden Lemon for several years, but it eventually went out of business. "The problem was he just gave too many things away," a friend said.

Dwight spent his remaining years as an economic adviser to Congressman John W. Olver and as a tutor at Holyoke Community College.

He leaves his wife, Julie, four children, a brother and sister, and six grandchildren.

In describing his father to the hundreds who came to St. Paul's, yesterday, Bill Dwight used the words his father once used in describing himself to a newspaper reporter:

"I drink too much, I laugh too loud, I love too hard."

David Abel can be reached at dabel@globe.com

Copyright, The Boston Globe

A Therapist's Duty

By David Abel
Globe Staff
8/28/2003

For the past 12 years, when doctors and other professionals failed, George Mendoza found a way to gain the trust and help heal the wounds of some of the nation's most alienated veterans, many still struggling to "return home" from the Vietnam War.

Now, the 64-year-old is out of a job. Administrators at the New England Shelter for Homeless Veterans, where Mendoza founded a nationally acclaimed post-traumatic stress disorder program, laid him off earlier this month, saying they could no longer afford his $49,000-a-year salary.

Mendoza and several of the nation's top post-traumatic stress doctors and therapists, as well as more than a dozen veterans still in the program, warned shelter officials that abruptly taking him away from his patients could have potentially deadly consequences.

"I tried to explain that you can't just leave PTSD clients," said Mendoza, who said administrators initially pressured him to retire. "They need time. They need a transition."

Administrators declined to comment in detail about Mendoza's departure, but said they eliminated his position to save money - a vital task for a shelter that has experienced severe financial problems over the past year. The program will continue, with a doctor, psychologist, and caseworker caring for patients.

Approached in front of the shelter's Court Street building in downtown Boston last week, chief executive Diane Gilbert, said: "We don't discuss personnel actions."

The shelter's move, which Mendoza said gave him only two weeks to prepare his patients for his departure, prompted doctors in the field to write Gilbert and board members, asking them to reconsider their decision.

"I want to make my professional opinion absolutely clear: Abrupt termination of his program is likely to result in severe and possibly fatal harm to veterans in his program or to others," wrote Dr. Jonathan Shay, a psychiatrist at Boston's VA Outpatient Clinic and a nationally recognized specialist who helped draft the Pentagon's guidelines for treating PTSD. "Another counselor cannot replace him in this role, regardless of the person's credentials."

Dr. John Woodall, director of Harvard's Resilient Responses to Social Crisis Working Group, warned the board in a letter that it risked legal liability for "patient abandonment."

"If a bad outcome occurs, a suicide or a homicide or assault, the liability is much greater," Woodall wrote. "Despite what personal, political, fiscal or administrative problems may exist, George Mendoza must be involved in this transition to closure."

Neither Shay nor Woodall has received a response from the shelter.

Earlier this summer, administrators announced the elimination of 27 jobs, saying the cuts would save $700,000 and ensure the shelter would remain able to house and feed hundreds of veterans every night.

In announcing the cuts, which came several months after the state briefly took over the shelter's books, Gilbert said, "We have been guided by one unwavering principle: Our core services must remain available to every veteran in need."

But some patients, clinicians, and former officials in the veterans department argue the loss of Mendoza will affect core services.

"It seems like the shelter forgot the reason it's there," said Dr. Isaias Sepulveda, a psychiatrist at the Brockton Veterans Administration Medical Center who sees patients at the shelter.

"His services are desperately needed," said Thomas J. Hudner Jr., former commissioner of the Massachusetts Department of Veterans Services, which oversees some $2 million the state provides the shelter. "There has to be a continuum of counseling for PTSD cases. To be left in the middle of treatment, I think, would set them back quite a bit."

A short man with a potbelly, Mendoza never served in Vietnam. He isn't a doctor or a trained psychologist. Yet over the past decade he developed a reputation for breaking walls others found impenetrable. Though he trained with PTSD clinicians at the University of Massachusetts in Boston, his primary credentials, he said, come from surviving the so-called "Dirty War" in Argentina, which he escaped in 1983 after watching many of his relatives, friends, and colleagues die.

When the shelter made him its first employee in 1991, he created "the bunker," a novel approach to treating PTSD patients - and the first such program for homeless veterans. It's a place where veterans can hang around all day, talk to caseworkers at any time, and take part in therapy programs.

The main reason it worked: "It's about love," Mendoza said. "Love is one of the most powerful tools. If you don't love them, you can't do the job."

The affection goes both ways.

In interviews with more than a dozen of some 25 clients Mendoza treated before being laid off, many described him as a father. "Papa George is my mother, father, brother, and girlfriend all in one," said Curtis Calvin, 58, a former Army Ranger in the program since June. "He understands."

Another Vietnam vet, Billy Dyson, said he lived like a hermit for the past 30 years in "the bush" in New Zealand, struggling with flashbacks. When he heard about Mendoza's program, he saved enough money to buy a plane ticket to Boston. Now, the 57-year-old former soldier said: "George gave me back my life again, and all of a sudden, I feel betrayed, like the shelter ripped out the heart and soul of the program. It's a raw deal."

Others are just scared. David Nelson, a 53-year-old former sergeant, said: "Without George, I worry what I may do to myself, or others. I'm deeply concerned about my reactions. I feel like I could lose control of myself, that my anger might act out."

Though Mendoza has been out of a job nearly two weeks, he hasn't ended the relationship with "his men."

All have his cellphone number, and they continue to call him. He still hangs around the shelter almost every day, walking the streets to keep his veterans off them.

"This is not about me," Mendoza said. "I don't really need the job. It's about them."

David Abel can be reached at
dabel@globe.com.

Copyright, The Boston Globe

Safety Man

Father Takes Extreme Measures to Protect Son, Others















By David Abel
Globe Staff

7/27/2001

WALTHAM -- If Henry "Kip" LaShoto were a superhero, he might be called Safety Man.

In May, he was watching his 9-year-old son warm up at a Little League game when a foul ball slammed into the boy's gut, leaving a large welt and a raw memory. A few weeks later, his son was at second base when a grounder took a bad hop, smacked the boy under the right eye, and left a trail of blood on his uniform.

Since his son's injury, LaShoto has set out on a one-man crusade to enhance safety on and off the field, everywhere from Little League games to the PGA Golf Tour.

"When a baseball traveling at about 120 miles per hour strikes the face of a baby, child, or adult, it can cause fractures of the temple, sinuses, jaw, nasal septum, and bony globe that surrounds the eye," he said. "If someone is struck in the wrong place, it could be fatal."

In the past month, the 42-year-old chiropractor has spent hours on the phone with doctors, coaches, and sports teams in Japan. He has sent a deluge of letters to public officials and sports organizations.

In the interest of safety, he's asking for new laws requiring stadiums to install all-encompassing, see-through safety nets to protect fans. He also wants a law requiring kids to wear a kind of body armor when they play Little League baseball.

"Am I little crazy? Well, yeah," LaShoto said while showing pictures of his son's bruises. "But look, my son almost went blind. Wouldn't you want to do the same to protect your kids?"

The idea of armored Little Leaguers may sound extreme, but LaShoto is not alone in worrying that a baseball can cause serious injury, and not just to players.

Only a few months ago, a 58-year-old man at an NHL game between the Phoenix Coyotes and the San Jose Sharks was blinded in the right eye when an errant puck went into the 11th row and smashed into his face. A similar injury befell a 41-year-old woman sitting in the stands at last year's College World Series. And a 29-year-old man sued the Mets a few years ago after a player's bat hit him in the stands.

Outside the United States, officials have begun to take note. Safety netting is standard at hockey games in Europe and increasingly at baseball games in Japan. In February, after a 21-year-old man died when a puck hit him in the temple at a hockey game in Manitoba, officials from amateur sports teams throughout Canada met to consider installing netting at community hockey rinks.

In the United States, however, fans have had little success in persuading the major franchises to add protective barriers. Over the years, teams have taken some safety measures, such as the netting behind home plate at baseball stadiums, and the clear barriers that surround hockey rinks. But they have stopped short of the total protection that LaShoto wants, instead warning fans with messages on scoreboards, over the PA system, and on notes on the back of tickets.

"Fans don't want obstructed views. They want to be in on the action," said Kevin Hallinan, senior vice president of security and facility management for Major League Baseball. "One of the greatest thrills of going to the park is catching a foul ball."

Teams also say that netting and other protections could interfere with TV cameras shooting the action. "How would you add the netting anyway?" said Frank Brown, vice president of media relations for the NHL. "Do you run it all the way to the top of the roof? Although it may sound crass, the incidence of people being struck, injured, or disabled is very low."

Neither the NHL nor Major League Baseball teams keep data on injured spectators.

As for legal action, injured spectators pushing for new safety measures have had little luck in court. For years, US courts have ruled that spectators at baseball games and other contests assume a risk of being hit by what a Georgia court in 1949 called "foul balls, flying bats, and other like missiles."

Some observers of US sports believe that concerted effort and a good public relations campaign may ultimately sway some teams to take action.

"The analogy of the bicycle helmet is a good one: No one used to wear bicycle helmets when I was a kid," said Richard Lapchick, director of Northeastern University's Center for the Study of Sport in Society. "All it takes is one individual to start something, no matter how farfetched it may seem at the time. Unfortunately, it's probably going to take a dramatic incident of someone getting hurt for something to be done."

That's exactly what Kip LaShoto says he's trying to avoid. After a foul ball hit Yankees coach Don Zimmer in the dugout two years ago, the Yankees and some other teams began putting up the same protective netting in front of their dugouts that LaShoto says should be erected to protect fans.

"It's total hypocrisy," he said. "Is it that they want to protect the players but not the fans?"

Many people think LaShoto has gone off the deep end. The chiropractor says he is designing a special Kevlar outfit for his son. He requires both his son and daughter to wear special caged helmets when they go to Red Sox games. His views about safety have become so strident that he has been kicked off the field at Little League games because some say he was scaring the players.

"He is definitely obsessed," said Tony Romano, who coaches James's baseball team, the Orioles. "He takes things way too seriously, and he treats the kids like they're playing for the Red Sox."

For Frank Deford, a sports commentator and senior writer at Sports Illustrated, safety issues should be taken only so far in professional sports.

"Life is not risk free; it's not a perfect world," he said. "The pleasure that comes from being close to a game, for millions of people, far outweighs the occasional risk that's bound to happen. But weird things happen."

Pushing his son to put on his baseball uniform while the boy was at camp one recent afternoon, LaShoto pointed to James's shatterproof glasses, his dentist-fitted mouthpiece, special sun-blocking undershirt, and the piece of equipment the boy is teased for the most: his athletic supporter.

"We're designing a special vest that would go from his larynx down to his coccyx," he said, pulling James's shirt up to show where it would go. "Only then will the kids really be safe."

David Abel can be reached by e-mail at
dabel@globe.com

Copyright, The Boston Globe

After Fire, Salesman Sniffs Opportunity

By David Abel
Globe Staff
2/24/2003

CRANSTON, R.I. - The moment his beeper alerted him to a terrible fire that ripped through a nightclub, killing an untold number of people, Richard Skinner sprang into action.

The Northeast regional manager for the National Fire Sprinkler Association knew that he had a short time frame in which to promote his industry's flame-dousing products, which over the last few days he has cheerfully held before cameras, insisting to journalists that the sprinklers could have prevented the tragedy.

"I don't feel guilty in the least," he said between interviews this weekend at a sprawling state emergency headquarters, where journalists from around the country eagerly recorded his pitch. "We need to let the general public know how great sprinklers are."

On Friday morning, after calling multiple television stations in hopes of setting up interviews, Skinner put on a dark pinstripe suit and a bright yellow tie, hopped in his Grand Am, and raced from his home in Queens, N.Y., to the scene of the devastation in West Warwick, R.I.

As firefighters removed the last of the bodies from the rubble, Skinner, 37, began making the rounds, telling as many reporters who would listen about the wonders of sprinklers. Though the nightclub, The Station, wasn't required by law to install sprinklers, Skinner told journalists: "It's a cop-out. The codes are minimum standards. They can go above that whenever they want - and you get a major insurance break to boot."

By Friday afternoon, he had made a video at a fire-testing lab in Rhode Island, showing how one of his sprinklers, a "fast-response pendant," a sprinkler head that sells for just $2, could have extinguished a blaze similar to the one that destroyed The Station.

Soon after, while passing out dozens of business cards, he was showing the video on his laptop to small groups of reporters and handing out copies to journalists from stations around the country.

As soon as he could get a few minutes of Skinner's time, Martin DiCaro, a reporter from WHJJ-AM in Providence, put the sprinkler merchant on the air and Skinner was saying: "Here's my conclusion: Sprinklers would have put out the fire. . . . There would have been a lot less pandemonium if the club had sprinklers. . . . Sprinklers would have prevented people from being burned."

After the interview, DiCaro said, "We didn't put him on the air to sell something. That was never the point. But maybe now more people will put sprinklers in buildings."

Another radio reporter for WPRO-AM in Providence said: "He just came up to me, and I was going live in a few minutes, so I decided to interview him."

Skinner, a manager for the national trade group, apparently wasn't the only businessman seizing a chance to promote his products amid the publicity surrounding the tragedy. The state's Emergency Management Association received a fax this weekend from a company offering bargain caskets.

By the end of Saturday, Skinner was content. All his efforts didn't go to waste. He got more publicity than he could have asked for.

With the last press conference of the day done, Skinner packed up his laptop and sample sprinklers, slipped on his trench coat, and said: "I've spoken to every media organization here - not a bad day."

David Abel can be reached at dabel@globe.com.

Copyright, The Boston Globe

City of Corruption

By David Abel
The Christian Science Monitor
12/3/1999

MIAMI -- Dead men vote. Commissioners pocket bribes. Legislators launder. And lobbyists award kickbacks.

This isn't New York's bygone Tammany Hall or Chicago's infamous patronage machine. Welcome to a burgeoning, pastel-hued city at America's tippy toe -- Miami.

Long home to pirates, mobsters and well-dressed drug dealers, this sultry city has seen its image for flashy recklessness sink into the pit of old style corruption.

In the past year, a Miami city manager and city commissioner have gone to prison for obstruction of justice and bribery. Two Miami-Dade County commissioners have been forced to step down. A mayoral election was thrown out because of rampant voter fraud. The Port of Miami director is under investigation for allegedly embezzling more than $1 million. And the head of the Miami legislative delegation in Tallahassee will soon be tried on charges of money laundering and doling out kickbacks.

"Nobody has a crystal ball, but I think it would be hard to find someone who thinks that this problem is close to being over," says Joe Centorino, chief of the public corruption division of the Miami-Dade County state attorney's office. "I don't think we'll know how well we rooted out the corruption until another generation."

In the past five years, criminal charges have been filed against more than 260 public officials, with more than 60 percent convicted, according to the state attorney's office. And Centorino, who heads a team of nine lawyers devoted to routing corruption, says dozens of ongoing investigations will soon add to the mess. South Florida has been among the 10 leaders in federal prosecutions since the mid 1980s, according to the U.S. Justice Department.

Many here say Miami is the victim of runaway growth, where public institutions haven't kept pace with the demand for services and the sort of accountability most residents expect. The metropolitan area of Miami-Dade County, to which the city of Miami belongs, has boomed in the past three decades to more than two million people and a budget of $4.2 billion.

With one of the world's largest airports and most active seaports, an increasing demand for government services like sewage lines and new roads, and low salaries of only $6,000 a year paid to county and city commissioners, Miami is ripe for corruption.

"What's happening in Miami happened to New York, Chicago and San Francisco when they entered periods of enormous growth and opportunity," says Ken Goodman, co-director of the programs in business, governmental and professional ethics at the University of Miami. "Miami's now a major global business center. It's an extraordinary time of change."

The brisk pace of change and the accompanying vice nearly short-circuited the city. A kickback scandal uncovered in 1996 led to the discovery of a $68 million deficit. Miami reached such dire straits that former Gov. Lawton Chiles appointed the state's first oversight board and threatened to takeover the city if its commissioners didn't approve a credible bailout plan.

Still, the power struggles continued and investigators revealed more corruption. Mayor Xavier Suarez stepped down in March after a court forced his removal in the wake of a voter-fraud scandal. The ex-mayor, however, continues to fight. He launched recently a campaign to change the city's charter, hoping to force a new election.

Adding to Miami's woes, City Commissioner Humberto Hernandez Jr. in August was convicted in state court of helping to cover up the electoral fraud, in which dead people cast ballots. Chiles later removed him from office.

To stanch the corruption, civic leaders last year began organizing. Now, there's a county office called the Commission On ethics and Public Trust, frequent anti-corruption conferences held throughout the county and later this year Florida's recently retired Supreme Court chief justice will head up an independent watchdog group called the Alliance for Ethical Government.

"The climate here has been unduly accepting, and we want to become hostile to this sort of unethical behavior," says Edward T. Foote, president of the University of Miami and co-chairman of the Alliance. "We have had more of our fair share of public corruption in recent years. It needs to stop."

Fotte says organizations like the Alliance for Ethical Government will propose ways to change how the city and county do business, refine rules on lobbying and bidding, and consider revamping the city government. Currently, Miami has an executive mayor system, which gives the mayor veto power but not much real authority. Commissioners can override a mayor's veto and the city manager makes all personnel and budget decisions.

Like Foote, Don Slesnick, the vice chairman for ethics in business and government for the Greater Miami Chamber of Commerce, hopes increased awareness and further efforts to curb corruption will boost Miami's lagging confidence and maybe earn the city a higher bond rating than its current junk status -- the lowest credit rating Wall Street allows for borrowing money.

"It may get a little worse before it gets better," Slesnick says. "We're going to uncover some more things that are distasteful. But people are now finally saying enough is enough."

Copyright, The Christian Science Monitor

The Corpse is Alive

By David Abel
Globe Staff
1/25/2001

ASHLAND - Everyone thought she was dead.

Local and state police, emergency medical technicians, and the building's property manager all saw the slender 39-year-old woman slumped lifelessly in the water-filled bathtub of her one-bedroom apartment and thought she was dead.

They even called the state medical examiner's office, described the woman's condition, and the official told them to send her to the funeral home.

Everyone on the scene apparently believed it was just another suicide case, and the medical examiner planned to assess the body later.

So they lifted the woman out of the tub, slipped her limp form into a body bag, and sent her to the nearby John Matarese Funeral Home on Main Street.

It was a Saturday morning John Matarese will never forget.

On his way out of the funeral home to fetch lunch for his father, the funeral director heard something startling as he walked past the holding area. He heard a faint sound. He realized it was someone breathing.

"It scared me half to death," Matarese said. "The girl was alive. I don't know what I was thinking at that moment, to tell you the truth."

But Matarese acted. He quickly unzipped the body bag and held the woman's mouth open to keep her air passages clear.

By the time the second set of emergency technicians arrived, the woman was breathing.

"All I can really say is it's a miracle," said Dexter Blois, Ashland's town manager. "She was in the right place at the right time. She appeared lifeless and there was more than one person who made the judgment that she was not alive. I don't think we have anything to be sorry about. We're just lucky."

Neither Blois nor Matarese would reveal the woman's name, but they said she is apparently unmarried. The woman was taken to MetroWest Medical Center in Framingham, where her father and brother arrived shortly afterward, Blois said.

Yesterday, the woman was transferred to another medical facility, hospital officials said.

Eleanor Doherty, the woman's neighbor, said she introduced herself only as Christina, and has lived in the subsidized housing complex since December 1999.

Police first responded at about 2 a.m. to complaints from neighbors of loud noises in her apartment in the brick-faced Chestnut apartment complex on 8 Joanne Drive. Blois said, however, that police could not enter the woman's apartment until about 8:30 a.m. Saturday, when the property manager let them in.

Once they found the body, police called the fire department. The woman was taken to the funeral home about 11:30 a.m., and Materese heard her breathing about 20 minutes later.

Anson Kaye, a spokesman for the Middlesex district attorney's office, said State Police believe the woman attempted to commit suicide. Local police are still investigating.


"Miracles never cease to happen, and this is one of them," Blois said. "My understanding is she's up, alive, and taking nourishment. It's just amazing."

David Abel can be reached at
dabel@globe.com

Copyright, The Boston Globe

The Skipper's New Ship

By David Abel
Globe Staff
8/12/2002

He doesn't bounce quarters off their beds. Nor does he order them to drop for push-ups. But when one of his charges crosses the line, the captain swiftly disciplines them with "fire watch," "kitchen patrol," or "the can" - jail.

Five years ago, Jim McIsaac commanded a destroyer that patrolled the Persian Gulf for Iraqi smugglers. Though his subordinates still call him skipper, he now has a much different command: At 46, the career Navy man is in charge of keeping a growing number of the region's former soldiers and sailors off the streets.

"The crew is a little more dysfunctional than I'm used to," says McIsaac, now tousle-haired after two years at the helm of the New England Shelter for Homeless Veterans. "The philosophy is the same as in the service: We don't leave our wounded behind. But this is the last stop on the Blue Line - and we tell them it's time to get off of the train."

As homelessness rises to record levels in Boston and most other major cities across the country, so do the numbers of street vets. Today, one in four homeless men served in the military, according to the Washington-based National Coalition for Homeless Veterans, and on any given night, some 275,000 of them live on the nation's streets.

Since the New England shelter opened in 1990 in downtown Boston - making it the nation's first exclusively for homeless veterans - it has housed, clothed, and fed more than 11,000 people. Despite budget cuts and a falloff in donations, the shelter is now providing for record numbers.

On a recent night, 358 vets slept in the 10-story shelter near Government Center, numbers usually only seen during the worst winter nights, McIsaac says. Of those, nearly half are veterans of the Vietnam War and about a dozen are women - a small but growing percentage of homeless veterans.

"Our goal was to go out of business in 10 years," says Mark Helberg, who helped found the shelter after being outraged by the throngs of homeless veterans sleeping next to the Vietnam War Memorial in Washington. "Unfortunately, the problem is only getting worse."

Since McIsaac came aboard the shelter has become a tight ship. Unlike many other shelters, where officials look the other way when someone arrives boozed or drugged up, sobriety is a requirement for entry.

And if anyone is caught dealing drugs, even outside the shelter, they won't just be barred from returning, as they are from many places. In the past month, the shelter has had seven people arrested on charges of selling drugs.

"We're the toughest shelter in town," says McIsaac, who left the Navy in 1997 to try to save a failing marriage and help his 14-year-old daughter fight a heroin addiction. "I'm mental about drug abuse. If my staff comes to me about someone dealing, I tell them don't kick him out, I'm going to get him arrested."

The strict rules include requiring the veterans to cut their hair, wash their clothes, make their beds, search for jobs, and, among other things, participate in "cleanup detail" and "security watches." There's also no panhandling allowed. "We don't allow our guys to beg," McIsaac says. "Being a veteran is about having some pride."

Despite the stern setting, no police officers or security guards patrol the premises. It's the veterans themselves who keep a watch on the "decks," rows of bunk beds illuminated with the kind of red lights common on warships.

The lack of guards, some of the shelter's residents say, has had an adverse effect with increasing thefts and raising fears of assaults.

"They are trying to give us the dignity and freedom of not having guards search us, but our dignity and freedom is compromised by other people here who don't respect those things," says Richard, a 65-year-old former Navy radio operator who served in Korea and, like others, wouldn't give his last name.

"Some of the people here come in high on heroin or whatever, because there isn't the guards there," says Jim, a 75-year-old former submariner who had his bag stolen a few weeks ago. Despite the concerns, McIsaac says he has no plans to change the shelter's security arrangement. There hasn't been a violent incident since he took over in 2000, he says, and thefts rarely amount to more than the stealing of shower shoes.

"I don't believe I'll make this place safer by making it a gulag," he says.

Instead, McIsaac lays down the law and takes action as soon as there's a violation.

Every week, the blunt captain meets about a dozen of the shelter's newly homeless veterans to put them on notice. He expects them to start putting their lives back together and, for as long as they're on his ship, to obey his rules and "be a good shipmate."

At one recent meeting, he tells his new charges that if they don't get their lives back on track - meeting counselors, attending job-training programs, and searching for a job and a place to live - they should expect their future to include one of two outcomes: jail or an early grave.
He tells them he now attends two funerals a month, and he isn't looking forward to theirs.

"Don't lose sight of the fact that this is the bottom - this is a shelter," he says. "You're in a pit, and you need to climb out of it. Just because you're a veteran doesn't mean I owe you anything. This isn't an entitlement. This is your life - and it's time to get back in the swing of things."

David Abel can be reached at dabel@globe.com.

Copyright, The Boston Globe

Still Standing

A Chapel Spared Beside Ground Zero Stirs Talk of Miracle












By David Abel
Globe Staff
9/26/2001

NEW YORK -- All around it, once-mighty buildings are either in a heap of rubble, charred black and windowless, or still smoldering, with smoke rising through giant gashes scarring their facades and wrecking their foundations.

Yet somehow St. Paul's Chapel, Manhattan's oldest public building and the house of worship George Washington visited in 1789 after his inauguration at nearby Federal Hall, is intact.

A block away from the World Trade Center, the small, ornate chapel doesn't even have a broken window. When the Rev. Lyndon F. Harris began traversing the maze of checkpoints set up after the Sept. 11 attack, he was certain his 235-year-old chapel would be in ruins.

"My heart was beating so loudly, you could hear it in my chest," said Harris, who was nearly crushed by falling rubble when he rushed to help in the rescue operation after the first jet hit the Twin Towers.

He imagined the destruction of some of the earliest relics of American history that have remained in St. Paul's over the years - the oldest known oil painting depicting the Great Seal of the United States; the 200-year-old, cut-glass chandeliers from Waterford, Ireland; and an array of monuments and tombstones depicting and commemorating some of the country's earliest heroes.

Early in the morning on Sept. 12, police escorted him to the chapel, and Harris still can't believe his eyes.

"It's hard to say this isn't a miracle, the fruit of some divine intervention," he said. "I think it stands as a beacon of hope and a metaphor of good standing in the face of evil."

Other houses of worship were not so lucky. A few blocks away, among the mounds of twisted steel and pulverized concrete, is what remains of St. Nicholas Greek Orthodox Church.

What happened to St. Nicholas has left many of St. Paul's nearly 200 congregants uneasy.

"I don't know why it was us and not them," said Nancy Nind, 55, a parishioner at St. Paul's for the past three decades. "I think our fate means we have a mission to do something."

Part of that mission, she said, is to help out as much as possible with the rescue operation.

In addition to serving as a depot for air filters, medical supplies, and bottled water, the chapel's pews over the past two weeks have been beds for droves of police officers, firefighters, and soldiers taking a break from shifts often lasting as long as 20 hours. Hundreds of rescue workers have been fed in the chapel.

"It's amazing how peaceful this place can be, given how much is going on around it," said David Capellini, a police officer who had walked by St. Paul's for years without entering. "This church will always mean something to me, especially now that I know its history."

He took solace in a prayer by Washington, etched in bronze a few feet away. It begins: "Almighty God we make our earnest prayer that thou wilt keep the United States in thy holy protection."

In a speech before thousands of New Yorkers at a prayer service on Sunday at Yankee Stadium, Mayor Rudolph Giuliani described the unblemished brownstones and Ionic pillars of St. Paul's as the "miracle of September 11."

"The presence of that chapel, standing defiant and serene amid the ruins, sends an eloquent message about the strength and resilience of the people of New York City and the people of America," he said.

That's also how Roy Henry, the church's 68-year-old head of security, felt when he first returned to St. Paul's after running for his life from the chapel during the attack.

Chunks of steel, a blizzard of paper, and assorted rubble were scattered all around the chapel. Ash several inches thick coated the Georgian masonry and drifted through an open window, dusting much of the sanctuary inside. But everything was intact.

"Just look around," Henry said. "If this isn't a miracle, I don't know what is."

David Abel can be reached by e-mail at dabel@globe.com.

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